Iraq's Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki (L) departs with U.S. President Barack Obama (R) after a joint news conference in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House campus in Washington, 12 December 2011. (Photo: REUTERS - Jonathan Ernst)
The future political fortunes of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki rest on the outcome of his talks in Washington over immunity of US soldiers, port projects near Kuwait, as well as arms and financial deals to be struck between the two countries.
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the delegation accompanying him to the US capital this week arrived in an executive jet chartered from the United Arab Emirates. His official aircraft, with its Iranian crew, was left back in Baghdad.
While the Iraqi media failed to explain the reasons for this, foreign diplomats suggested the Americans may have asked Maliki not to fly in on the Iranian plane “for security reasons.”
It was not initially clear how long Maliki intended to stay in the US. Some sources said two days, others four. He certainly has plenty to discuss, quite apart from the headline Iraqi and Syrian issues that were aired at the joint press conference with his host President Barack Obama on Monday.
One immediate question is the granting of legal immunity to the thousands of US military personnel who will remain in Iraq as trainers or experts after American occupation forces officially leave the country. This has yet to be resolved.
It had been presumed that these troops would be assigned to NATO bases in Iraq, which still enjoy legal immunity. But this will no longer be possible following NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s announcement that the alliance’s training mission in Iraq is being terminated.
The number of US soldiers who will remain in Iraq has been a source of contention and controversy of late. The official spokesman of the US’s Baghdad embassy recently put its current personnel at 15,000 and indicated the number could rise. This triggered a furore of rejection in Iraqi political circles.
There have also been rows over the contracts under which US military personnel are to be hired to protect and monitor Iraq’s airspace.
Baghdad had calculated that it would need some 800 air traffic controllers, but US Vice President Joe Biden, raised the figure to 1,800 legally immune personnel. It was agreed that Biden’s demand would be considered, and that Maliki would deliver the answer when he came to Washington.
Another major talking point will be the issue of equipping the virtually defenseless Iraqi army. It is currently more like a collection of militias. Years of deliberate American foot-dragging have prevented it from being properly armed, leaving Iraq completely unprotected in military terms.
Sources say Maliki will try to push forward with an arms procurement deal which includes the purchase of dozens more F-16 warplanes. The package has been the subject of deliberation between the two sides for years but has yet to bear fruit.
Analysts and observers of the Iraqi scene believe it is crucial for Maliki to achieve tangible results on this front. Success in resolving outstanding military and armament issues with the US would give his government a major overall boost. Failure – for which Maliki’s political foes are hoping – could translate into dramatic and unpredictable repercussions on the ground.
Another challenge facing Maliki in Washington – no less important or difficult than patching up Iraq’s defenses – is to get the country freed from the provisions of Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
Many Iraqi analysts accuse the US administration of having successfully exploited this issue to wring concessions out of Iraq, and suspect it would like to continue being able to do so indefinitely.
Amid conflicting expectations surrounding Maliki’s US visit, observers have been particularly struck by the presence of Transport Minister Hadi al-Ameri on the prime minister’s delegation. He is a fierce opponent of the Kuwaiti Mubarak al-Kabir Port project, unlike Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari who supports it.
This led to speculation that Iraqi objections to the Kuwaiti scheme would be put on the table in Washington. But other observers thought this unlikely.
Some even suggested that Ameri – whose Badr Organization broke away from Ammar al-Hakim’s Supreme Islamic Council – was included on the delegation to reflect Iran’s influence in Iraq.
A third group suggested he was there to encourage the US to contribute to Iraq’s counter-project, the planned new port construction at al-Faw aimed at overcoming the country’s restricted access to the sea.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the delegation accompanying him to the US capital this week arrived in an executive jet chartered from the United Arab Emirates. His official aircraft, with its Iranian crew, was left back in Baghdad.
While the Iraqi media failed to explain the reasons for this, foreign diplomats suggested the Americans may have asked Maliki not to fly in on the Iranian plane “for security reasons.”
It was not initially clear how long Maliki intended to stay in the US. Some sources said two days, others four. He certainly has plenty to discuss, quite apart from the headline Iraqi and Syrian issues that were aired at the joint press conference with his host President Barack Obama on Monday.
One immediate question is the granting of legal immunity to the thousands of US military personnel who will remain in Iraq as trainers or experts after American occupation forces officially leave the country. This has yet to be resolved.
It had been presumed that these troops would be assigned to NATO bases in Iraq, which still enjoy legal immunity. But this will no longer be possible following NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s announcement that the alliance’s training mission in Iraq is being terminated.
The number of US soldiers who will remain in Iraq has been a source of contention and controversy of late. The official spokesman of the US’s Baghdad embassy recently put its current personnel at 15,000 and indicated the number could rise. This triggered a furore of rejection in Iraqi political circles.
There have also been rows over the contracts under which US military personnel are to be hired to protect and monitor Iraq’s airspace.
Baghdad had calculated that it would need some 800 air traffic controllers, but US Vice President Joe Biden, raised the figure to 1,800 legally immune personnel. It was agreed that Biden’s demand would be considered, and that Maliki would deliver the answer when he came to Washington.
Another major talking point will be the issue of equipping the virtually defenseless Iraqi army. It is currently more like a collection of militias. Years of deliberate American foot-dragging have prevented it from being properly armed, leaving Iraq completely unprotected in military terms.
Sources say Maliki will try to push forward with an arms procurement deal which includes the purchase of dozens more F-16 warplanes. The package has been the subject of deliberation between the two sides for years but has yet to bear fruit.
Analysts and observers of the Iraqi scene believe it is crucial for Maliki to achieve tangible results on this front. Success in resolving outstanding military and armament issues with the US would give his government a major overall boost. Failure – for which Maliki’s political foes are hoping – could translate into dramatic and unpredictable repercussions on the ground.
Another challenge facing Maliki in Washington – no less important or difficult than patching up Iraq’s defenses – is to get the country freed from the provisions of Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
Many Iraqi analysts accuse the US administration of having successfully exploited this issue to wring concessions out of Iraq, and suspect it would like to continue being able to do so indefinitely.
Amid conflicting expectations surrounding Maliki’s US visit, observers have been particularly struck by the presence of Transport Minister Hadi al-Ameri on the prime minister’s delegation. He is a fierce opponent of the Kuwaiti Mubarak al-Kabir Port project, unlike Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari who supports it.
This led to speculation that Iraqi objections to the Kuwaiti scheme would be put on the table in Washington. But other observers thought this unlikely.
Some even suggested that Ameri – whose Badr Organization broke away from Ammar al-Hakim’s Supreme Islamic Council – was included on the delegation to reflect Iran’s influence in Iraq.
A third group suggested he was there to encourage the US to contribute to Iraq’s counter-project, the planned new port construction at al-Faw aimed at overcoming the country’s restricted access to the sea.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
River to Sea
Uprooted Palestinian
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