Uprooted Palestinians are at the heart of the conflict in the M.E Palestinians uprooted by force of arms. Yet faced immense difficulties have survived, kept alive their history and culture, passed keys of family homes in occupied Palestine from one generation to the next.
Deputy Chief of Hezbollah Executive Council Sheikh Ali Daamoush said that, “The Lebanese should know that the US is deceiving them no matter how much it tries to appear keen on Lebanon’s interest, because whoever is keen on it does not besiege it, impose sanctions on it, prevent it from aid, incite the Lebanese against each other, and does not pressure Lebanon regarding the demarcation of the maritime borders to make concessions at the expense of its rights to the “Israeli” enemy, and all this is done by the US in Lebanon”.
During his Friday sermon, Sheikh Daamoush asserted saying, “One of the reasons behind the suffering of the Lebanese is the American blockade imposed on Lebanon and the US policies and measures followed in it; our priority is to break this blockade and mitigate its repercussions on the Lebanese, as well as to serve the people and help them with all possible means to get out of this crisis that is pressuring everyone”.
His Eminence considered “The biggest responsibility lies with the government that must assume full responsibility and address all the reasons that prevent it from meeting. It is not true that the Shiite duo is behind disrupting government sessions, but rather the one behind this delay is also the one who is insisting on politicizing judiciary and keeping it hostage to political interventions and uses as well as the internal and external pressures”.
Sheikh Daamoush said: “These are the reasons that have so far prevented the government from meeting once again. Not getting rid of these reasons will make things more complex, so we should address them, find a way out, and react with the appropriate ways out that help solve the problem”.
منذ اليوم الأول للأزمة التي افتتحها القرار السعودي بوقف العلاقات الدبلوماسية والإقتصادية مع لبنان، وضعنا استقالة الوزير جورج قرداحي خيارا في سياق المعالجة لا ينتقص من شجاعة وفروسية موقف الوزير قرداحي، فقلنا في مقالة 1-11-2021 “حل الأزمة ليس عند الوزير جورج قرداحي، فلا تلقوا بأحمال كل هذا التخلف على كاهله، ويكفيه فخراً أنه أضاء على مظلومية اليمن، وأضاء على معاني السيادة، وسواء استقال لمنع أن تستقيل الحكومة وندخل في الفراغ والفوضى ويتهدد سلمنا الأهلي، أو بقي لأن الموقف سلاح، فقد قدم المثال على ما يجب أن يكون عليه مفهوم السيادة والحرية والاستقلال، التي تختزنها الأزمة الراهنة، والتي يكثر الآخرون استعمالها كسلع لا كقيم أيضاً، حتى صارت ثلاثية حرية سيادة استقلال، تذكرنا بثلاثية الفوال، توم وحامض وزيت”. والسبب لجعل الاستقالة خياراً يعود لمعادلة وضعها الوزير قرداحي بنفسه، وهي لا لاستقالة الاذعان واستقالة العقاب، وشاركه الحلفاء بإضافة “لا للإقالة” إليها، وربط الاستقالة بضمانات توظيفها لحل الأزمة، كنقطة انطلاق بقيت بعيدة طالما أخفق رئيس الحكومة في تقديمها، وجاءت بها زيارة الرئيس الفرنسي إيمانويل ماكرون إلى الرياض وطلبه للاستقالة كرسالة حسن نية لبنانية للحل، تتيح له أن يطلب رسالة مقابلة لها، لتقدم التوقيت الذي وجد فيه قرداحي اللحظة المناسبة، فما هي الحسابات؟
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تقف فرنسا خلف بقاء الحكومة، بينما تطلب السعودية استقالتها وهي تعلم أن الفراغ هو البديل، وبالاستناد إلى الموقف الفرنسي وبنسبة معينة الموقف الأميركي الرافضين لإستقالة الحكومة، صمد رئيس الحكومة امام الضغوط السعودية التي طالبته بالإستقالة، ثم دعته لإقالة الوزير قرداحي، وبالإستناد إلى إستحالة إستقالة الحكومة، تمكن حلفاء الوزير قرداحي من تثبيت رفض الإقالة، بعدما كان رئيس الحكومة يقول الإقالة او استقالة الحكومة، والحلفاء وقرداحي لا يريدون تحمل مسؤولية اخذ البلد إلى الفراغ ولا يريدون هذا الفراغ، وقد بذلوا جهودا وقدموا تنازلات كي تكون هناك حكومة لإدراكهم أن مبدأ وجود حكومة في لبنان يستحق التضحية، وهكذا تمت صياغة معادلة توافق عليها قدراحي والحلفاء وترك له تقدير فرص السير بها، وهي ترجمة الجمع بين التمسك ببقاء الحكومة، والتمسك برفض الإذعان للإملاءات، وفق عبارة أطلقها قرداحي عنوانها، الضمانات، أي لا استقالة مجانية للاسترضاء، ولا تمسك بالمقعد الوزاري إذا أتيحت فرص للحلول، وكانت الاستقالة نقطة انطلاقها، وبات التمسك بعدم الاستقالة إقفالاً لباب الحل وفتحاً لباب استقالة الحكومة.
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قد لا ينجح الرئيس الفرنسي في فتح باب الحل مع السعودية، لكن تمسك الوزير قرداحي بعدم الاستقالة كان سيتم تحميله مسؤولية هذا الفشل، سواء من قبل الرئيس الفرنسي أو من قبل رئيس الحكومة، ومعهما جزء كبير من اللبنانيين في السياسة والمجتمع، سيخرجون جميعاً للقول إن حزب الله منع قرداحي من الإستقالة ودفع بلبنان إلى الخراب، وسيكون خيار لعب ورقة استقالة الحكومة تحت شعار تفادي المزيد من إجراءات الغضب السعودي وارداً، أما وأن الرئيس الفرنسي أخذ على عاتقه أن يجلب مقابل الاستقالة خطوة مشابهة على طريق حل الأزمة تفتح الباب لحوار حول الخلافات أو المشكلات العالقة، فما فعله قرداحي هو وضع الأمور بين فرضيتي، نجاح ماكرون، وبالتالي تكون الاستقالة قد أدت مهمتها في فتح الطريق لإنهاء الأزمة، وهذا هو مفهوم المسؤولية الوطنية الذي لم يحد عنه قرداحي، أو فشل ماكرون، وتكون الاستقالة قطعت الطريق على تحميل قرداحي وحلفائه مسؤولية هذا الفشل، وتظهير المسؤولية السعودية عن إفشال مساعي الرئيس الفرنسي، وما ينتج عن ذلك من تعزيز لعناصر بقاء الحكومة وقطع طريق استقالتها، وإسقاط منطق سحب الذرائع بدليل أن الذريعة الرئيسية تم سحبها ولم يتغير شيء.
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الذين ينتقدون الوزير قرداحي وحلفائه في قرار الاستقالة الذي اتخذه ودعموه، ويحاسبونه بمعايير السيادة والكرامة والعنفوان، التي رافقت رفضه للاستقالة، عليهم أن يتخيلوا ما سيحدث لو لم تتم الاستقالة، وتم تصوير الأمور وفق صورة تقول إن كل شيء كان جاهزاً لعودة العلاقات واستئناف الصادرات اللبنانية ووقف أي إجراءات عدائية أخرى، لو جاء الرئيس الفرنسي وقد سبقته استقالة الوزير قرداحي كعلامة حسن نية لبنانية طلبتها السعودية، وأن عدم حدوث ذلك يؤكد نوايا لبنانية سلبية، ولذلك تتفهم فرنسا المزيد من الاجراءات السعودية وليس فقط البقاء على الاجراءات السابقة، وبالتوازي سحب الغطاء لبقاء الحكومة، وهو أمر كاف ليعود رئيس الحكومة لخيار استقالة حكومته، وتصعيد الوضع الداخلي على قاعدة استعصاء تشكيل حكومة جديدة، ورفع وتيرة التصعيد المذهبي، في ظل وضع صعب اقتصادياً وأمنياً تعيشه المناطق اللبنانية كافة، وعندها سيخرج الكثيرون يوجهون الإتهام إلى قرداحي والحلفاء بالتسبب بالخراب.
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لم يخطئ الوزير قرداحي باستقالته أمس كما لم يخطئ من قبل برفضها، وترجم في المرتين مفهوم السيادة بصفتها القرار الوطني النابع من حساب المصلحة الوطنية لا الاستجابة لإملاءات خارجية.
يقول متابعون للاتصالات إن الاستقالة ستشكّل إرباكاً للسعودية لجهة التعامل معها (هيثم الموسوي)
مع تقديم وزير الإعلام جورج قرداحي استقالته من الحكومة، لا يمكن إغفال عدد من التطورات. قد لا تؤتي هدية لبنان إلى المملكة العربية السعودية أُكلها، لكنها في الداخل قد تؤمّن انطلاق مسار سياسي جديدالمبادرة الخاصة جدّاً التي قام بها وزير الإعلام جورج قرداحي، بالاستقالة من الحكومة لفتح الباب أمام معالجة للأزمة مع السعودية ودول خليجية، تنتظر أن يلاقيها الطرف الآخر، وسط تباين في التقديرات حول ما يمكن أن تقوم به الرياض ردّاً على هذه الخطوة، ووسط مخاوف من استمرار موقفها من دون أيّ تصعيد في الخطوات الإجرائية، مقابل أن تتراجع دول خليجية أخرى عن إجراءات اتخذتها بتجميد العلاقات مع لبنان.
لكن الأمر ظلّ يلقي بظلاله على غياب الاستراتيجية اللبنانية الموحّدة حيال ملفات حساسة أبسط من الاستراتيجية الدفاعية التي يطالب بها خصوم المقاومة. إذ إن «الانهيار» أصاب مواقع رئيسية في البلاد حيال المطالب السعودية والاستجابة الضمنية للضغوط التي جاءت من الأوروبيين أيضاً، علماً بأن الجميع يعرفون أن القدرة على إدخال تحوّلات كبيرة في الموقف السعودي من لبنان ليست في متناول اليد الآن، بل إن الرياض تبدو مستمرة في التصعيد ريثما تتمكّن من تحقيق توازن على أكثر من صعيد.
ومع ذلك، فإن الخروج «الطوْعي» لوزير الإعلام من الحكومة خلط الأوراق من جديد. تكاتف فرنسا مع رئيس الحكومة نجيب ميقاتي ترافق مع «قبّة باط» سياسية داخلية جاءت من معظم القوى والمرجعيات. وبينما حاول البعض رمي الكرة في ملعب حزب الله، فإن الجميع يعرفون حقيقة موقف الحزب الذي بقي مصرّاً على احترام قرار قرداحي، مع الاستعداد للوقوف إلى جانبه لو قرّر المضيّ في المعركة. لكنّ الآخرين، جميعاً وبلا أيّ استثناء، كانوا في مكان آخر، وعملوا، كل من جانبه، على ممارسة أشكال مختلفة من الضغط على قرداحي لأجل تنفيذ الاستقالة. ومع ذلك، يتصرّف الجميع على أن الاستقالة أمّنت انطلاق مسار جديد في البلد. استعان ميقاتي بـ«الصديق» الفرنسي على الداخِل، ونجح الرئيس إيمانويل ماكرون في انتزاع «هدية» يدخُل بها على مُضيفه في الرياض.
السؤال عن السبب الذي دفَع القوى السياسية إلى ترك قرداحي «على هواه» يتراجع أمام الاستفسار عن «الثمرة» التي سيجنيها لبنان، وخاصّة أن «المطلوب رضاه» لا «مسامح ولا كريم»، فهل حصل لبنان على ضمانات بأن تدفع هذه الخطوة السعودية إلى أن تُعيد النظر بتصعيدها؟
الإجابة عن هذا السؤال قد تكون في ما قاله قرداحي في مؤتمره الصحافي، ولعلّه المختصر الأهم: «نحن اليوم أمام تطوّرات جديدة، والرئيس الفرنسي ذاهب إلى السعودية بزيارة رسميّة، وفهمت من رئيس الحكومة أنّ الفرنسيّين يرغبون في أن تكون هناك استقالة لي تسبق زيارة ماكرون، وتساعد ربّما على فتح حوار مع المسؤولين السعوديّين حول لبنان»، أي أنها «يُمكن أن تصيب أو تخيب»، علماً بأن ما علّقت به قناة «العربية» السعودية كانَ علامة أولى، قائلة: «في خبر عاجل، غير مهمّ للغاية، وزير الإعلام اللبناني يُقدّم استقالته من الحكومة».
بمعزل عن ذلك، يقول متابعون للاتصالات إن الاستقالة، لا شك، ستشكّل إرباكاً للسعودية لجهة التعامل معها؛ إذا قبلت الرياض الهدية وتراجعت عن إجراءات التصعيد، فسيظهر بأن حجم ردة فعلها على تصريح وزير لا يتناسب وحجمها كدولة. أمّا في حال رفضت المبادرة اللبنانية تجاهها، فيتأكد حينها بأن للمملكة أجندة للانتقام من لبنان، وسيحرِج ذلك أصحاب حملة التهويل على وزير الإعلام والذين سعوا طوال الفترة الماضية إلى تحميله المسؤولية.
أمّا داخلياً، فإن الجميع يسعون في استثمار الخطوة، كل من وجهة نظره. رئيس الحكومة، الذي يتعرّض للضغط الفرنسي ويواجه الكراهية السعودية، يريد «فك العزلة» التي تواجه حكومته، وقد يسعى إلى استثمار الأمر من أجل إعادة تفعيل الحكومة، ولو أنه يحتاج إلى تسويات أخرى ذات طبيعة سياسية وأكثر تعقيداً ربطاً بمطالب الثنائي الشيعي وتيار المردة بما خص التحقيق في ملف المرفأ.
كذلك، ظهر أن سليمان فرنجية، نفسه، والمحطين به، ولا سيما نجله النائب طوني، يتصرّفون على قاعدة أنه «همّ وأزيح» ربطاً بالمسائل المتعلّقة بواقعهم الانتحابي، من جهة، وحتى بملف الانتخابات الرئاسية، من جهة ثانية، علماً بأن معركة انطلقت حول فرنجية الآن على من يخلف قرداحي، إذ يطمح مسؤولون في التيار نفسه إلى تولّي المهمّة بدلاً من اللجوء إلى صديق كما حصل مع قرداحي.
وتلفت مصادر مطّلعة إلى ضرورة مراقبة ما إذا كانت استقالة قرداحي مجرّدة عن التطورات التي تخصّ ملفات أخرى. وتوقفت المصادر عند تصريح ميقاتي لوكالة «أنباء الشرق الأوسط» في لبنان حول «إصرار الثنائي الشيعي على الفصل بين التحقيق القضائي بانفجار ميناء بيروت والتحقيق مع الرؤساء والوزراء»، وقول ميقاتي: «لدينا في الدستور المجلس الأعلى، وهو محكمة كاملة متكاملة مؤلفة من 8 قضاة من أعلى رتب قضائية، إضافة إلى 8 نواب»، في إشارة ضمنية إلى احتمال اللجوء إلى تسوية تقضي بفصل ملفات التحقيق الموجودة بين يدي المحقق العدلي في قضية انفجار مرفأ بيروت طارق البيطار، من دون الاضطرار إلى عزله أو تنحيته، علماً بأن ميقاتي كان دائم التأكيد على «عدم التدخّل في القضاء»، لكنه أعطى إشارة على استعداده للتراجع خطوة، إذ لفت إلى أن «ما يقوم به القضاء من دمج محاكمة الرؤساء والوزراء مع التحقيق القضائي أثار تباينات»، مؤكداً أن «الفصل بين التحقيقين ضروري حيث إن للعسكريين محكمة عسكرية وللقضاء هناك تفتيش قضائي، وأيضاً أوجد الدستور هذه المنظومة لمحاكمة الرؤساء والوزراء». وتساءلت المصادر عمّا إذا كان ميقاتي «يقول ذلك من عنديّاته، أو أنه استحصل على تراجع فرنسي عن الدعم المطلق لرئيس القضاء الأعلى القاضي سهيل عبود، والقاضي البيطار»، مشيرة إلى أن الأيام المقبلة ستؤكّد ذلك في حال «سجّل عبود خطوة لافتة وخرج حلّ ملف البيطار من القضاء بفتوى دستورية للفصل بين التحقيق وإعطاء صلاحية محاسبة الرؤساء والوزراء لمجلس النواب».
وكان رئيس الجمهورية العماد ميشال عون قد شكر قرداحي على مبادرته، مجدّداً التأكيد على حرص لبنان على إقامة أفضل العلاقات مع الدول العربية الشقيقة عموماً، ودول الخليج خصوصاً، متمنياً أن تضع الاستقالة حدّاً للخلل الذي اعترى العلاقات اللبنانية ــــ الخليجية. أمّا ميقاتي، فعلّق عليها بالتأكيد أنها «أتت ضرورية بعد الأزمة التي نشأت مع السعودية وعدد من دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي، ومن شأنها أن تفتح باباً لمعالجة إشكالية العلاقة مع الأشقاء في السعودية بعد تراكمات وتباينات حصلت في السنوات الماضية».
Kordahi’s resignation was made in the expectation that Macron’s visit with Saudi Arabia would help ease the economic pressure on Lebanon
(AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
At noon on 3 December, Lebanese Minister of Information George Kordahi submitted his resignation to President Michel Aoun and to the government of Lebanon.
The now former information minister, who joined Prime Minister Najib Mikati’s newly assembled cabinet, resigned over the diplomatic row with Saudi Arabia when Kordahi’s comments against the war in Yemen caused Saudi Arabia to recall its ambassador from Lebanon and ban all Lebanese imports.
Months before assuming his post, Kordahi had said that the Yemenis were defending themselves against the Saudi-led siege on Yemen, calling the war against Yemen ‘futile.’
In a statement given upon his resignation at a press conference, Kordahi said: “An intentional campaign was launched against me in some Lebanese and Gulf media and communication sites,” and that “because of this massive and unjust pressure against Lebanon, I refused to resign.”
He also said that “all those who attacked me in Lebanon were the ones who raised slogans of freedom and independence.”
Kordahi’s resignation on Friday emerged out of the hope that French President Emmanuel Macron’s upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia would help ease the pressure on Lebanon.
Kordahi told AFP ahead of his resignation that he does “not want to cling to this position if it can be useful,” hoping instead his resignation will come ahead of a possible deal between Macron and Saudi Arabia that would alleviate the economic and political blows waged by the kingdom. “I want to give Lebanon a chance,” he said.
He added that “the interest of my country and family is above my personal interest, and the interest of the Lebanese is more important than my ministerial position.”
“I don’t accept being used as a tool to harm my Lebanese brothers in the Gulf. The war in Yemen will not last forever, and a day will come when the warring sides will sit at the table,” Kordahi said.
At the peak of the crisis, Saudi officials had said that Kordahi’s comments reflected ‘Iranian influence’ in Lebanese politics.
The diplomatic row between Saudi Arabia and Lebanon, however, reveals one of many examples of Saudi Arabia’s much more influential position in politics over Lebanon.
In banning Lebanese imports and breaking economic ties over a minor issue, Saudi Arabia demonstrated an aggressive ability to strike at Lebanon’s already struggling economy.
In 2017, Saudi Arabia kidnapped and tortured Saad al-Hariri, the then prime minister of Lebanon, releasing him three weeks later.
Member of Hezbollah’s Loyalty to Resistance bloc MP Ibrahim Mousawi hit back at accusations made by Head of Lebanese Forces party Samir Geagea that Hezbollah is seeking to delay parliamentary elections.
In a statement late Tuesday, MP Mousawi stressed that Hezbollah’s stance towards date of elections in Lebanon is clear and doubtless, noting that any accusation in this regard is fabricated and baseless.
“Such claims aim at instigation and elector mobilization in a bid to gain more votes,” MP Mousawi said in remarks carried by Al-Manar.
“Hezbollah, who has set his strategy based on great national and solid principles, sees in the election a chance for the Lebanese people to renew the political life and to freely choose their representatives at the Parliament as part of the democratic system ensured by the Constitution,” the Lebanese lawmaker stated.
“On the contrary, others’ policies don’t adopt national and solid principles, and deal temporarily with the issues and according to their interests. Those wait for the elections, hoping to turn the tables,” Mousawi said, stressing that those will “sooner or later discover that they are deluded.”
“We feel pity for those people, as we pray for them to be on the right way in order to preserve our country from collapse,” the Hezbollah MP concluded his statement.
The head of the Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc MP Mohamad Raad said, “We smell a coup against the Taif Agreement. This coup aims at reassuring the ‘Israeli’ enemy that the Lebanese people can’t face its aggression, so that it dictates its normalization and authoritarian policies and control even deciding the fate of our gas wealth in our territorial waters, as gas exploration is confined to certain companies of certain countries. Despite all this, we still talk about independence and sovereignty, but we are incapable of building one power facility that supplies Lebanon with power 24/7”.
Raad made the statement during the memorial ceremony held by Hezbollah on the 40th day on the passing of Martyr Muhammad Jamal Tamer.
He added, “Our national currency collapsed because it depends on foreign currency. Tomorrow, our policy will collapse because it also depends on foreign policies. If the Lebanese people want this, it’s up to them, but we are sacrificing our blood and souls to protect those who don’t know where there interest is in this period. Is it required that we commit suicide so that others are satisfied? We are keen to preserve the common living in this country; we want it to rule sovereignly and independently, and that its interests are in accordance with the aspirations, will, and national decision”.
“If anyone thinks that the equation has gone wrong and that the power balance became in the interest of the ‘Israeli’ axis and normalization and wants to turn against the Taif, we tell our people to pay attention to this miscalculation because Lebanon has gotten out of the ‘Israeli’ era and will not return to it; as all the methods of force that were used to twist the arm of the Resistance failed, and the sponsors of strife realized that the Resistance benefits from the national consensus on its role in Lebanon. So, let us not allow a faction of the Lebanese to undermine this consensus… The weapon of the Resistance has become on everyone’s lips, and media outlets have been bought in order to promote this issue,” Raad added.
Regarding the Tayouneh crime, Raad said, “What happened is not just a clash between the people of two areas, it’s rather a designed and planned aggression in order to cause a strife and to push people to fight among themselves and mess up the whole situation, so that the killer gives his credentials to the people who hired and pay him regionally or internationally”.
Raad concluded saying, “From now on and without wasting time and opportunities, let’s figure things out. Don’t let anybody drag you to a new civil war in order to impose on you a settlement with new balances of power, as long as people are open to each other and ready for dialogue, and as long as they appreciate their common interests and have no enemies but one enemy, which is still occupying our land”.
Terminology and definitions have always been part of wars used by the West in general, and Washington and London in particular against resistance movements and freedom fighters.
Western governments orchestrate systematic misleading campaigns and spend billions of dollars to tarnish the resistance image and portray them as ‘terrorists, smugglers and drug traffickers.’
They depict them as groups that carry ‘illegal and criminal activities to introduce them to the public as groups of organized crime committers.’
This kind of baseless and unfounded accusations by the Western governments aims at justifying the use of violence reaching to killing the resistance operatives and activists whether political or military.
The whole issue emanates from the open and unabated support those governments pledge to ‘Israel.’
Both Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine fall under this category and they truly represent their people’s struggle against the ‘Israeli’ occupation.
Hezbollah has become a beacon of light and hope to tens of millions across the world after its success in resisting the occupation and inflicting successive defeats against it, thus bringing continuous victories and glory to the whole Umma.
Many Western governments have designated the party as a ‘terrorist entity’ following endless, heavy, and persistent ‘Israeli’ efforts and lobbying to this effect.
Hamas received equal treatment and faced the same tough measures for its continuous fight to protect the Palestinian people.
After many unsuccessful wars by the ‘Israelis’ to eradicate them, and after they emerged triumphant from their battles and become icons of hope to the people, the ‘Israelis’ started a restless campaign not only to tarnish their image, but to force laws and regulations all over the world to criminalize them so they can clamp their support and criminalize any support or any assistance they could receive and even to make any contact with them and their representatives as illegal.
Those measures reflect how hopeless ‘Israel’ has become because of the resistance in Palestine and Lebanon.
But no matter how hard they might try, it is evident that their sinister, unjust, and aggressive decisions will not bring them any positive result.
The Western governments who aided ‘Israel’ in its effort should be questioned held responsible by their people for their support to the number one terrorist and apartheid entity in the world nowadays.
The so called international community, especially the United Nations and human rights organizations bear equal responsibility in saying the truth and revealing the true face of ‘Israel.’
‘Israel’ should be ready to know that those resistance movements are not separated or fragmented, contrary, they are now in a real axis that stretches from Gaza to Sanaa.
Tens of millions of supporters believe in their choice and support their resistance.
Hundreds of thousands of trained military personnel are ready to join any war against ‘Israel’ as pronounced by the leaders of this axis.
They are also supported by governments and states that strongly believe in the cause.
The resistance movements in Palestine and Lebanon have proved their effectiveness in protecting their people and liberating lands.
However, although the ‘Israeli’ efforts and western support against Hezbollah and Hamas could help the Zionist entity gain some publicity, this can never change one letter in the dictionary of battle against occupation.
Our people and our Umma are more decisive than any time in the past to liberate their sacred lands and protect them. This has already been written, the ‘Israelis’ have only to wait and see how many defeats they will receive and how many victories the resistance will gain, and it is only a matter of time!
Radwan Mortada is one of Lebanon’s leading investigative journalists, with almost two decades of experience working with the country’s biggest media outlets.
I met Radwan a decade ago while we were both working at Lebanon’s daily Al Akhbar, he for the Arabic newspaper, me on the English-language website. A veteran security journalist covering military institutions, wars, terrorism, extremism and the layers of intrigue in between, he is one of those rare reporters who can gain access to any information, and call up just about anyone, at any time.
Lebanon has more press freedoms than any country in West Asia, partly because it is politically split in two, with no one party having more power than the others. That rare balance has allowed its media to openly question and criticize all parties and individual political figures, with few of the negative consequences that occur in other states and regions where journalists are roughed up, detained and even killed in ever-rising numbers.
It isn’t often journalists here end up in the slammer for unearthing dirt on the country’s political or business elite, usually because no one person has the power to see it through.
So, when Lebanon’s military court – a body that has absolutely no legal jurisdiction over media activities – sentenced Radwan to imprisonment on 26 November for “the offense of insulting the military establishment,” without providing due notice to the defendant, and in absentia, it created a storm.
The Lebanese Press Editors Syndicate (LPES) immediately expressed its “astonishment” at the decision, and announced that it had assigned its legal advisor to review the case against Mortada with the possibility of filing an appeal.
According to the statement by the LPES, this ruling is a “violation of Article 28 of Legislative Decree No. 77/ 104, as amended by Law No. 330 of 18/1994, which abolished pre-trial detention for publication crimes and the penalty of imprisonment for journalists from most of its rulings.”
Other LPES officials say they will not allow authorities to set a precedent for the imprisonment of journalists who conduct investigative work.
And just today, Reporters sans frontières (Reporters Without Borders or RSF) tweeted:
“RSF condemns the conviction in abstentia of Radwan Mortada by the military court to more than one year in prison for “defaming the army”: an illegal pressure to silence a critical journalist, now forced to move from his home to protect himself and avoid any sentence.
Lebanese media outlets across the political spectrum have covered this story in Radwan’s favor, and the country’s Minister of Information George Kordahi weighed in by saying the ‘Publications Court’ is the only Lebanese body authorized to rule on media affairs, based on the constitution and the laws regulating freedom of opinion and expression.
So why did Lebanon’s military court take action against a leading Lebanese media figure, well outside of its legal jurisdiction? Why now, in the midst of the country’s excruciating economic collapse and with terror and strife within its borders? Was there nothing more important for Lebanon’s military court to address – than this? And who instigated these proceedings?
The Cradle went directly to the source to answer some of these questions. This is what Radwan Mortada had to say:
The Cradle: Lebanon’s military court has sentenced you to one year and one month in prison. Before getting into the details, could you please tell me why a military court is involved in sentencing a journalist? Is this even legal?
Mortada: Military courts have no authority to try journalists for verbal offenses. They cannot prosecute me, and it would be illegal to do so. But the army commander, General Joseph Aoun, uses the military court as a weapon to fights those mentioning him to suppress freedom of opinion and expression. My words about the army command’s responsibility in the Beirut port explosion greatly angered Joseph Aoun, so he decided to make his own law.
First, he decided to ban me from entering the military court without legal justification. When I confronted him by saying that he did not inherit the court from his father to control it as he wishes and break the law, he sent a military force to raid my house and besieged the TV channel where I work to arrest me by force.
The Cradle: We have heard that you were not at the hearing or the sentencing. How is it possible that you were not even allowed to defend yourself? Why was this sentence delivered in absentia?
Mortada: My trial was a sham and a show. The president of the military court, Brigadier General Munir Shehadeh, violated due process because I was not notified of the trial date. This is against the law and exposes the implicit intent to prosecute me in this martial method. Also, the president of the court is an officer under the command of the army commander who filed the complaint against me. How could he be a judge between me and my opponent? The judge is a lower rank than the commander and has to respond to his orders by saying: ‘Yes, my commander.’
There is also a legal precedent issued by the military court itself. Hanin Ghaddar had previously been sentenced in absentia to six months in prison. But the president of the court at the time, Brigadier General Hussein Abdullah, ruled that the military court had no jurisdiction to try journalists after the United States withdrew his entry visa to America.
The Cradle: What are the military court’s charges against you?
Mortada: Offending the Lebanese Army, disparaging the military institution, and harming national security and the prestige of the state.
The Cradle: You believe the ultimate responsibility of the ammonium nitrate stores in Beirut’s Port lies with Lebanon’s military establishment. In essence, the Beirut blast happened under Joseph Aoun’s watch. Why hasn’t he been held accountable by the lead investigative judge, Tarek Bitar?
Mortada: Here is the root of the problem. I was the first to announce the responsibility and negligence of the army that led to the explosion of the Port of Beirut on 4 August 2020. I said that if the army had done its duty as it should have, the explosion would not have happened. This is a fact because the law holds the army exclusively responsible for dealing with ammonium nitrates.
But the judicial investigator, Tarek Bitar, is weak before the army and the current leadership represented by Joseph Aoun, so he did not dare to summon him. The responsibility of the army exists even if there are no traceable documents or if paperwork has been destroyed. If the army says it was not aware of the presence of a time bomb weighing 2,755 tons perched in the heart of Beirut for seven years, that is an even greater catastrophe since its most basic mission is to maintain security in the country.
The Cradle: I’ve known you and worked with you for a decade. We’ve even written articles together. I know your integrity and how you work, and I personally consider you among Lebanon’s most productive and professional journalists. So when you raise questions, I know you’re onto something. Do you trust this investigation of the Beirut Port explosion? Why or why not?
Mortada: In fact, I am personally acquainted with judicial investigator Tariq Bitar, but I am suspicious of the course of the investigation because I sense discrimination in the way this case is managed. The support Bitar has from America and some of the right-wing Lebanese parties only increases my apprehension and concern. You personally know that I have seen the documents that detail the investigation into the explosion in the port of Beirut. So I know there are officials whom the judicial investigator did not approach. The biggest evidence is his decision to exclude the current army leadership from the investigation, even though Joseph Aoun has been at the head of the army since 2017 and he bears the responsibility for this neglect.
I wish Judge Bitar had dealt with this case in another way, given the sensitivity of matters in our country. He should have summoned everyone, then decided who was responsible and charged him, but the direction of the investigation created a kind of suspicion. Therefore, I declared that I did not trust the existing investigation. But in order not to prejudge its results, I am patiently awaiting the issuance of the indictment decision by Judge Bitar to announce my final position on the investigation.
The Cradle: You wrote a very courageous piece for The Cradle that identified seven Lebanese judges that must be held accountable for unloading, storing, then ignoring the ammonium nitrate stores in Beirut’s Port. Why are these judges not being held accountable either?
Mortada: This judiciary branch bears this responsibility because it serves as a protective umbrella for the judges. Judge Bitar filed complaints against a number of judges. Although the complaints came late, the delay of the Cassation prosecution in ruling against them makes it bear a great responsibility.
The Cradle: You also covered the mass shootings and killings in Tayouneh on 14 October, and were the first to point out that the Army’s statements before and after Aoun’s meeting with the US Ambassador Dorothy Shea were different. Explain that to us.
Mortada: I wrote that the negligence of the Lebanese Army caused the Tayouneh massacre, which claimed the lives of seven innocent citizens, some of whom were shot by the army. It almost erupted into a civil war, given that this took place on a contact line between areas where a Shia majority and a Christian majority live. I spoke about the army’s responsibility and its neglect in separating the demonstrators, its wrong way of dealing with the demonstration, and the shooting that erupted after the demonstration.
I also published secret investigations conducted by the army, which showed that there was an ambush prepared the night before the demonstration, which was heading to the Palace of Justice to protest the performance of the judicial investigator Bitar in the explosion of the port of Beirut. The publication of these investigations angered the army, as they were leaked from the military court.
The Cradle: Who does Joseph Aoun think he is to do this, and why is he so focused on you, one of Lebanon’s leading journalists and a veteran security correspondent with the country’s top media outlets who has broken countless stories over the years?
Mortada: I was among the very few journalists to dare to call it by its name. I was the first to talk about the army’s main responsibility for the Beirut port explosion. Many others are afraid to face them or they are on their payroll. But I’m not one of them. Nobody can buy me and nobody can intimidate me. I carried my blood in my hands and went to the front lines and covered the lives of the most radical jihadist fighters. I was arrested in Syria. I was not afraid and I will not fear anyone. In my search for the truth, there are no red lines. I only want the truth. I know that this issue frightens many. Joseph Aoun is one of them.
The Cradle: Do you think Joseph Aoun has picked the wrong battle? Lebanon’s media associations have all, without exception, come in on your side.
Mortada: Definitely. Joseph Aoun has made a big mistake by deciding to go ahead with this fight. The battle with the press to suppress freedom of opinion and expression is a losing battle. The time of the police state is long gone. We are today in the twenty-first century. If he does not know it, he must change his advisors who are leading him to the abyss.
The Cradle: We all know that Joseph Aoun has aspirations to become president of the republic. He has increasingly associated himself and the LAF with the Americans, when Lebanon is clearly divided into two different political camps. Why would someone who is changing the highly-respected neutrality of the Lebanese army be fit for this position?
Mortada: I don’t think that General Joseph Aoun’s mentality qualifies him to be president of Lebanon. An officer leading an army cannot ask a military force to raid a media outlet to arrest a journalist, while he himself is thinking of becoming the president of Lebanon. Lebanon deserves better in light of the suffering of its people. Short-sightedness, narrow-mindedness, and personalization are not characteristics of a successful leader.
You know that the World Bank announced that Lebanon is going through one of the three worst economic crises in 150 years. You know the extent of the economic collapse, hunger, and unemployment that the Lebanese suffer from. I myself feel ashamed because my case came out in public at this time with all the tragedies we are experiencing. Imagine that the army chief and the president of the military court have nothing more important on their plate than going after a journalist they want to discipline, while forgetting about all the crises our country is going through.
The Cradle: What are you going to do now to fight these charges and stay out of prison?
Mortada: I will fight to the end. There is a team of lawyers that is objecting to the military court’s ruling. I will not accept any settlement and will follow up on every detail and highlight every violation. Dozens of foreign and Lebanese journalists and human rights defenders have contacted me and denounced the unjust ruling issued against me for simply expressing my opinion.
The Cradle: Radwan, I’ve learned a lot from you over the years and continue to do so. Thank you for your frankness and your courage in reporting the things we all want to know. What will you do when your name is cleared? Will you change your voice?
Mortada: Thank you, Sharmine. I assure you, this case will make me raise my voice higher and higher. I will open my eyes more to their violations and the approach they represent. I am a well-known journalist in Lebanon, and yet they attacked me. What do you think they will do to the rest of the citizens and the extent of the injustice they inflict on those who have no voice?
This ruling alerted me that I was inattentive in some areas related to the leadership of the army and the presidency of the military court. Today, I will work hard to count their every breath to shed light on any offense they commit.
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