Uprooted Palestinians are at the heart of the conflict in the M.E Palestinians uprooted by force of arms. Yet faced immense difficulties have survived, kept alive their history and culture, passed keys of family homes in occupied Palestine from one generation to the next.
Member of Hezbollah’s Loyalty to Resistance bloc MP Ibrahim Mousawi hit back at accusations made by Head of Lebanese Forces party Samir Geagea that Hezbollah is seeking to delay parliamentary elections.
In a statement late Tuesday, MP Mousawi stressed that Hezbollah’s stance towards date of elections in Lebanon is clear and doubtless, noting that any accusation in this regard is fabricated and baseless.
“Such claims aim at instigation and elector mobilization in a bid to gain more votes,” MP Mousawi said in remarks carried by Al-Manar.
“Hezbollah, who has set his strategy based on great national and solid principles, sees in the election a chance for the Lebanese people to renew the political life and to freely choose their representatives at the Parliament as part of the democratic system ensured by the Constitution,” the Lebanese lawmaker stated.
“On the contrary, others’ policies don’t adopt national and solid principles, and deal temporarily with the issues and according to their interests. Those wait for the elections, hoping to turn the tables,” Mousawi said, stressing that those will “sooner or later discover that they are deluded.”
“We feel pity for those people, as we pray for them to be on the right way in order to preserve our country from collapse,” the Hezbollah MP concluded his statement.
Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General His Eminence Sheikh Naim Qassem asserted that Saudi Arabia is disturbed because it couldn’t dominate the political decision in Lebanon despite the cash it had spent on its allies in Lebanon, pointing out that Saudi Arabia couldn’t put up with its casualties in the region, so its aggression on Lebanon was just a reaction, and that is one of the reasons behind the current crisis in Lebanon.
Sheikh Qassem asserted that the timing of the Saudi aggression on Lebanon is linked to Marib and Riyadh’s terrible loss in Yemen, so that it’s trying to divert attention from the battles there by exercising pressure on Lebanon.
The Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General said that Riyadh should apologize for its unjustified aggression on Lebanon, noting that the kingdom is not doing the right thing because nobody can twist the arm of Hezbollah and the Lebanese people.
“Lebanon is not a scapegoat and it’s challenging Saudi Arabia as an independent country. We won’t accept Saudi Arabia’s interference in the government after all the achievements it has accomplished,” Sheikh Qassem added.
His Eminence also said, “We will not surrender or give up on our dignity to please Saudi Arabia, even if it had practiced aggression on us, and we don’t hold responsibility for anything that happened”, pointing out that “Saudi Arabia might continue its aggression against Lebanon, as it doesn’t have any disciplines. It wants to take revenge, and it has to apologize. If it wants to continue its aggression, it will have more casualties.”
Regarding the Tayouneh Massacre, Sheikh Qassem said that “the US couldn’t achieve its goals in Lebanon despite all its attempts, and it had tried with all the possible means to turn the Lebanese public on Hezbollah but it couldn’t make it.”
He asserted that the discord that was sought in Tayyouneh massacre is an American-Saudi act executed by the Lebanese Forces party, but Hezbollah and Amal Movement have aborted it for the sake of Lebanon, pointing out that the Lebanese Forces is the sole party that receives allocations from Saudi Arabia, and the Americans have tried to integrate the Lebanese Forces members into the “NGO” groups to enhance their image.
Sheikh Qassem also talked about the maritime borders, saying that the Lebanese government is the one who says where our borders are, and Hezbollah doesn’t interfere in that, adding that “we are waiting for the government to finish the demarcation process and the disputed areas.”
He also stressed that “If the government says that the “Israeli” enemy is assaulting a disputed area, we, as a resistance, will do our duty.”
Regarding the relationship with Syria, Sheikh Qassem noted that the relationship between Hezbollah and Syria is very good, especially with Bashar al-Assad as a president, and the relations with the Syrian Arab Army is very good as well, adding that such relations are unshakable, and that there is a high level of coordination on the mutual ties.
He said that the Hezbollah-Syrian relationship is one that became deep by blood, resistance, and liberation, and that such relationship was never this good in any past period.
His Eminence also said that “many of our Resistance fighters have come back to Lebanon, and the number of fighters that stayed there is related to the situation on the ground”, asserting that “we are ready for any larger or lower presence there depending on the developments.”
حسناً فعل وزير الخارجية السعودي فيصل بن فرحان بالكشف عن الأسباب الحقيقية للخطوة السعودية التصعيدية ضد لبنان، لنقل النقاش من المكان السخيف الذي وضعه البعض فيه في الأيام الأولى إلى السياسة، أي حيث هو فعلاً، وحيث يجب أن يكون، فالقضية ليست قضية تصريح وزير الإعلام، بل قضية موقف الدولة ومؤسساتها من حزب الله، باعتبار أنه وفقاً للوزير السعودي، يكفي أن لا تقوم الدولة بإعلان الحرب على حزب الله ليستنتج بأن حزب الله يهيمن على الدولة، ومفهوم ألا يستطيع الوزير أن يتخيل للبنان مصلحة بحجم استرضاء السعودية، وصندوق مالها، وهو في أزمة خطيرة، وعلى شفا انهيار شامل، والثمن لفتح صندوق المال أمامه هو مواجهة حزب الله، فماذا تنتظرون إن لم يكن حزب الله مهميناً عليكم، هكذا ببساطة هي النظرية السعودية، وهي بجوهرها تقول إنه ما دامت الدولة اللبنانية تتلكأ في القيام بالمهمة فقد قررت السعودية معاقبة لبنان وصولاً لإسقاطه، حتى يرضخ ويلبي الطلب.
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ليس موضوعنا مناقشة تهافت نظرية هيمنة حزب الله على دولة، صاحب القرار المالي فيها حاكم المصرف المركزي صديق الرياض وواشنطن وصاحب القرار الأمني فيها مدير عام قوى الأمن الداخلي وفرع المعلومات، وصاحب القرار العسكري فيها قائد الجيش، وكلهم أصدقاء للرياض وواشنطن، وحزب الله يخوض مواجهة مع مسار قضائي ويعجز قضائياً وحكومياً، حيث يفترض أنه الحاكم، ووفقاً لوصف رئيس حزب القوات اللبنانية، أن حزب الله وصل إلى طريق مسدود قضائياً وحكومياً، ونعم الهيمنة إذا كانت كذلك، لكن بعيداً من هذا التهافت، السؤال هو هل أن المواجهة مع حزب الله هي أمر جديد يحدث الآن من دون تاريخ ومن دون ذاكرة، حتى ندخل في تحليل الفرضيات ونتساءل عن المسارات؟
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في اجتماع وزراء المالية لدول قمة العشرين، في كانون الثاني 2020 وقف وزير المالية الفرنسية برونو لومير كاشفاً أن ما يتعرض له لبنان هو خطر انهيار مالي اقتصادي، داعياً إلى عدم استسهال دفع لبنان نحو السقوط لأن النتائج ستكون أشد قسوة من مساعدة لبنان على التعافي، مطالباً واشنطن والرياض بفك الارتباط بين مساعي مساعدة لبنان على التعافي، ومعاركهما مع طهران وحزب الله، وأسقط بيد فرنسا يومها وانضمت صاغرة إلى الصف الأميركي السعودي في الدفاع عن سياسة الإسقاط، تحت شعار، فليسقط لبنان على رأس حزب الله، وعندما وقع انفجار مرفأ بيروت أعادت فرنسا الكرة بمبادرة الرئيس إيمانويل ماكرون، لإقناع شريكيها السعودي والأميركي بنظرية فك الاشتباك وفشلت على مدار سنة ونيف، حتى اختبر الأميركي منهج التصعيد ومحاذيره ومخاطره، عندما أطلق حزب الله مسار سفن كسر الحصار، واستدار الأميركي تفادياً للتصعيد، وقرر الإفراج عن فرص لبنان بتشكيل الحكومة، وقرر الانتقال إلى منافسة حزب الله في تخفيف حدة الأزمة، فاستثنى استجرار الغاز المصري والكهرباء الأردنية عبر سورية من عقوبات قانون قيصر، وبقيت السعودية وحدها ترفض فك الاشتباك، تواكب النصف الثاني من السياسة الأميركية القائم على محاصرة حزب الله تحت سقف عدم الدفع بالأمور نحو الانفجار، كحال المسار القضائي للقاضي بيطار، والاشتغال لتحضير صيغ مناسبة للتأثير في مسار الانتخابات المقبلة، لكنها تستثمر على ما تعتقد أنه تعبير عن خيار المواجهة المفتوحة، وهذا هو مكان الرهان على حزب القوات اللبنانية، الذي فشل في تقديم ما كان يتوقعه منه السعوديون قبل أن يقرروا الدخول مباشرة على الخط، والسؤال هنا، أي ثقب أسود في ذاكرة الحاسوب السعودي لتراهن على أن تحقق منفردة ما عجزت عن تحقيقه وهي شريك في حلف تقوده واشنطن ويضم باريس معهما، وكيف ستتمكن من المضي بمواجهتها من دون أن تصطدم بالسقوف الأميركية الفرنسية للحفاظ على الحكومة وعلى الاستقرار من خلالها، بعدما كانت طليقة اليدين في الماضي ومعها كل زخم الشراكات الكبرى وفشلت؟
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بعد عام 2006 وحرب تموز، التي لم تخف السعودية تغطيتها بشعار، مغامرون سيدفعون ثمن مغامرتهم، في توصيفها لحزب الله، لم تسلم السعودية بأن خسارة الحرب نهاية المطاف، فدفعت بالتناقضات اللبنانية التي كانت تتحكم بإدارتها عبر سيطرتها على حكومة الرئيس فؤاد السنيورة، نحو خطوات متسارعة للمواجهة، بدأت بتفجير الحكومة، مع إحراج وزراء ثنائي حركة أمل وحزب الله لإخراجهم، ثم استصدار قرارات عن الحكومة تترجم ما تريده السعودية من حكومة الرئيس نجيب ميقاتي اليوم، وهي تنسى أن هذا حصل سابقاً، واستجابت حكومة السنيورة التي قررت تفكيك شبكة الاتصالات العائدة للمقاومة في 5 أيار 2008، واتصل الملك السعودي بالحكومة متحدثاً مع أعضائها فرداً فرداً شاحذاً هممهم للمواجهة مؤكداً دعم السعودية لهم، وكانت أميركا والغرب كله مع الموقف السعودي، ويومها كانت العلاقات السعودية -السورية مقطوعة بالمناسبة، على خلفية الغضب السعودي من معادلة الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد في توصيف مواقف الحكام العرب من الحرب بأشباه الرجال، ولم تكن هناك حرب تغرق فيها السعودية كحرب اليمن اليوم، وتورطت أحزاب بتمويل سعودي لتنظيم مواجهة مسلحة مع حزب الله، فماذا كانت النتيجة، الفشل ثم الفشل، والانتقال لأول مرة إلى الدوحة بدلاً من الطائف أو الرياض لتحقيق المصالحة، واضطرار السعودية بعدها لمصالحة سورية، وإرسال الرئيس سعد الحريري إليها، ليعتذر عن اتهامها بقتل والده، فأي ثقب أسود في ذاكرة الحاسوب السعودي لتراهن أن دعوتها اليوم ستلقى أذناً تسمعها، ولسان حال الحكومة من جرب المجرب كان عقله مخرب، وقد تمت التجربة في ظروف أفضل بكثير وانتهت بالفشل الذريع، فكيف لعاقل أن يتوقع لها النجاح في ظروف زادت سوءاً وتعقيداً؟
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الثقوب السوداء كثيرة، لكن ثمة ثقوباً بدأت تصيب الحملة السعودية، فسقف أميركي لحماية الاستقرار من جنون قد يتسبب بنتائج كارثية، كانت إشاراتها الأولى كافية لاستدارة الأميركي إلى منتصف الطريق، والأميركي يقول اليوم إنه لن يتدخل بالخلاف واضعاً الحكومتين اللبنانية والسعودية على مسافة واحدة، مؤكداً تمسكه بالاستقرار وبالحكومة اللبنانية بخطوط حمراء أمام المغامرة السعودية، فتبدأ وساطة قطرية، وأخرى فرنسية، وقد تورط السعوديون في مغامرة رسمها لهم بوم شؤم، والمثل يقول الحق البوم يدلك على الخراب!
Hezbollah Secretary General last speech about Tayyouneh bloody ambush by Samir Geagea’s criminal militia has continued to send resounding messages in Lebanon and all over the region, and especially within the ranks of the ‘Israeli’ enemy in occupied Palestine.
The content of the speech was very direct in accusing Geagea militia, which is formally called the ‘Lebanese Forces’ party, of being responsible for the bloody massacre they perpetrated against the civilian protesters passing through the area.
The speech has equally exposed the head of this criminal militia Samir Geagea and his long history of war crimes, assassinations, massacres, and aggression against the Lebanese people.
It also exposed his mindset and sick mentality which is always preoccupied and obsessed with violence, power thirst and bloodshed.
The speech exposed the history of this militia and its real agenda of partitioning the country and turning it into closed antagonistic cantons fighting against each other throughout a civil war.
Sayyed Nasrallah made it very clear that the Resistance will never be dragged into this war, and announced for the first time that this Resistance has 100000 fighters who are ready to defend Lebanon and the Lebanese people.
This announcement was the center of interest and deeply examined by many parties inside and outside Lebanon.
Although Sayyed Nasrallah was very clear in explaining that the fighters are to secure a guarantee of protection and safety for Lebanon and the Lebanese, against any inside or outside threat, some of the ill-intentioned tried to use his announcement as an example about Hezbollah threat to the Lebanese.
But aside from the internal Lebanese affairs, the message was read carefully in the circles of the ‘Israeli’ enemy; the ‘Israeli’ media outlets and military research centers had intensive focus on this announcement.
The enemy knows for a fact that Sayyed Nasrallah’s announcement about the resistance’s 100,000 trained and fully-equipped fighters is neither a media joke nor a propaganda. And even if it is part of a psychological war against the enemy, it is built on solid facts.
Thus, it will definitely act as a further deterrence against any ‘Israeli’ aggression and will solidify the Lebanese equation of protection and safety, furthermore, it will send a strong Lebanese message to the ‘Israelis’ that they cannot dig and extract gas and oil from the Lebanese territories and properties in land and sea without taking into account that Lebanon is capable of defending its resources.
This is a very important message at this time as the negotiations over the issue are taking place.
By doing this, Hezbollah is cementing the Lebanese points of strength and showing friends and enemies that Lebanon is not weak or pressured to accept any dictation from outside countries especially the US.
Additionally, this message would definitely help insure the security and protection of the strategic Lebanese natural resources not only for now but also for the coming generations.
In all, the speech has been successfully able to bring more immune stability into the Lebanese fragile political and economic system at a time when it needed it the most! This opens a window of hope and optimism amid all the catastrophic factors surrounding the country and its people from all sides and on all levels!
Head of Lebanese Forces militia Samir Geagea was summoned by Lebanon’s military court for questioning over the deadly ambush which killed seven civilians earlier last week in Tayouneh.
Both Reuters news agency and local media reported the move late Thursday, noting that it was based on confessions made by militants who were arrested on the day of the deadly shooting.
“The government commissioner to the military court Judge Fadi Akiki gave a signal to listen to the testimony of the head of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, in the Tayouneh file,” Reuters news agency quoted informed sources as saying.
“Confessions made by the detainees in this file… Judge Akiki’s reference requires that Geagea be heard before him in the military court,” the sources added.
Commenting on the summoning, Geagea said he has not yet received a request to listen to his statement, but noted that if this happens he will not appear before the Military Court if Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah is not also summoned.
“The commissioner should listen first to Sayyed Nasrallah,” he said in an interview with MTV local channel.
The head of the notorious militia who committed massacres during the 15-year civil war claimed that his party “has a license,” while Hezbollah has not, without referring to the deadly shooting in this regard.
On October 14, seven Lebanese civilians were martyred as Lebanese Forces (LF) militants and snipers opened fire at peaceful demonstrators protesting against politicization of investigation into last year’s powerful Beirut Port blast.
Among the victims were a passerby and a woman who were shot in their heads by (LF) snipers.
Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah lashed out at the LF, saying that its project is to ignite a civil war in the country. In a speech on Monday (October 18), Sayyed Nasrallah hit back at Geagea threat that the LF has 15,000 militants, warning him against miscalculation with the powerful Lebanese Resistance movement.
The attack bore all the hallmarks of a US-backed intervention, and it doesn’t take much digging to find the links between the murky hand of Washington and the dark forces behind the bloodshed on the streets and a cover-up by a compliant western media.
Last week’s killing of seven people in the Lebanese capital Beirut, widely believed to be carried out by a far-right Christian fascist militia, is a worrying sign that the US wants to provoke a new civil war to destabilize the country in a change in its Middle East strategy.
The attack bore all the hallmarks of a US-backed intervention, and it doesn’t take much digging to find the links between the murky hand of Washington and the dark forces behind the bloodshed on the streets and a cover-up by a compliant western media.
Supporters of the Shi’ite Amal and Hezbollah movements were fired upon as they made their way to the Palace of Justice for a peaceful demonstration against what they perceive as the politicization of a probe into last year’s devastating port explosion.
The judge heading up the investigations, Tarek Bitar, is being directed by the US Embassy they claim, accusing him of unfairly and disproportionately targeting their allies while ignoring those close to Washington.
They may have a point. But the debate over the fairness and transparency of the judicial report is a side issue to the events that took place in the Tayouneh district of Beirut last week.
A peaceful march that had been approved by the authorities was fired upon by snipers placed on buildings along its route. It was an ambush by US-backed fascists who are hell-bent on plunging Lebanon into chaos.
None of the seven people killed in the protest were armed. Among the dead was Meryem Farhat, a mother shot through the head as she was getting ready to collect her child from kindergarten. Delivery driver Ali Ibrahim was also killed by sniper fire.
Not that you would know any of this judging by how the incident was reported by the western press. Readers would be forgiven for thinking that it was a Hezbollah march that turned violent, with the movement seemingly responsible for the deaths of its own supporters.
Liberal British mouthpiece The Guardian explained to its readers: “The trigger for the clashes in neighborhoods near the justice courts, which left dozens more injured, was a protest by members of Amal and Hezbollah, two predominantly Shia political parties, against a judicial probe into the massive blast in the port last year.”
“…eyewitnesses said they heard at least two explosions near the site where a protest was supposed to be held by Iran-backed Shia militia Hezbollah against a judge who is investigating last year’s devastating blast at Beirut’s port. Thursday’s shootings mark the deadliest civil violence in Beirut since 2008,” reported the part Saudi-owned Independent.
It concluded in carefully chosen language: “The heavily armed Hezbollah has accused Mr. Bitar of conducting a politicized probe.”
The Independent failed to mention the Lebanese Forces at all. Instead, it opted to make vague references to ‘unidentified gunmen.’ The Guardian mentioned their name once, but only to say that Hezbollah ‘claimed’ to have been shot at by the Christian militia.
The rest of the article followed a similar pattern to that of TheIndependent, containing snippets such as ‘chants of “Shia, Shia, Shia’ were heard on the streets.
“Large numbers of men brandishing weapons took to the streets throughout the day, and gun trucks flying Hezbollah and Amal flags paraded through the Bekaa Valley in a show of strength not seen since Hezbollah overran west Beirut in May 2008…” it added, failing to mention that Bekaa is nowhere near the Lebanese capital. This was the crowning glory of The Guardian hatchet job, evoking images of violent Muslims seeking to overthrow Lebanon, no doubt to impose an Islamist caliphate.
France 24 went with: “Last week, Hezbollah led a protest to demand his dismissal. It sparked a gun battle in the heart of Beirut that left seven people dead and reignited fears of new sectarian violence.”
It continued with a paragraph about “hostage diplomacy and what it means for those imprisoned by Tehran” in an exceptionally tenuous attempt to link the shootings to Iran.
That they let the Lebanese Forces, a US-backed right-wing militia led by a war criminal, off the hook is no mere accident.
Nor is the reporting down to lazy journalism. This would be to deny the role of the media as a propaganda tool used and manipulated by western imperialism to manufacture a consensus among the public.
That is that Hezbollah and Amal are the bad guys and it is up to the west, always the good guys in any situation, to step in and save the people of Lebanon from their evil clutches.
The use of descriptions such as ‘Iran-backed Shia militia Hezbollah’ is a not particularly subtle, but deliberate attempt to paint the movement – which is a legitimate political force with representatives in the Lebanese parliament – as a foreign-controlled entity.
The irony of this is, that it is, in fact, the very group responsible for the attack that is in hock to external forces, namely the US, “Israel” and Saudi Arabia who see the Lebanese Forces as its proxy inside the country.
It is perhaps best known in the west for its role in the brutal massacre of thousands of Palestinian men, women, and children on behalf of “Israel” at the Sabra and Chatila camps during the Lebanese civil war.
I visited the camps and met survivors of the three-day pogrom in Beirut earlier this year and they described how the Christian militia raped and executed more than three thousand defenseless people, as the camps were surrounded by Israeli soldiers.
The leader of the Lebanese Forces, Samir Geagea, has been convicted of war crimes, sentenced to life in prison for ordering four political assassinations, including that of former prime minister Rashid Karami in 1988.
For many, he will always be associated with the massacre of scores of people, including the bombing of Sayidat al-Najat church in Jounieh killing 10 people and wounding 54, with Christians also targeted by the bloodthirsty Geagea.
But he was released under an amnesty in 2005 following Lebanon’s so-called Cedar Revolution which took place after the assassination of prime minister Rafik Hariri, the perpetrators of which have never been brought to justice.
Geagea’s propulsion into the limelight once more comes with the US suffering a series of defeats across the Middle East, including its humiliating withdrawal from Afghanistan and its failure to dislodge Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
His reelection in May has led many Arab and European nations to restore diplomatic relations with Damascus, with border crossings reopening along with the return of ambassadors and consulates as they recognize political reality.
But Assad could not have held on to power without the explicit support of the Syrian people. No leader could have withstood the pressure exerted on him without it.
Not only has he defeated Washington’s regime-change operations – he has come out the other side stronger, having faced down five US presidents; Bill Clinton, George W Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and now Joe Biden.
The US now appears to be strengthening its relations with Kurds in the north of the country once more where its soldiers are based as an occupying force. The Biden administration recently announced there would be no troop withdrawal, reassuring Kurdish officials after the debacle in Afghanistan.
Despite Assad’s plans for decentralization announced in April, the Kurdish administration there is pursuing a policy that seeks political recognition from the US. It is a move that has alienated many of its supporters and undermines its dismissal of claims it acts as a “proxy force” in the region.
Having lost the military and now the political war on Syria, it seems logical that the US would change its strategy to foment further instability in Lebanon, with a return to civil war only serving to benefit Washington and Tel Aviv as they hope for the sectarian division of the country.
The hands of the US were all over the Tayouneh attack, which came straight out of the Washington/CIA copybook, mirroring its interventions and use of proxy forces to oust governments or prop up its client states in Latin America and across the world.
Geagea’s militia – many of whom have been trained by “Israel” – would be an obvious choice for the US given his previous overtures to Washington, confirmed in a 2008 Wikileaks cable.
He claimed that the Lebanese Forces had as many as 10,000 well-trained soldiers, telling the US embassy: “We can fight against Hezbollah. We just need your support to get arms for these fighters.”
But, speaking in a public address on Monday, Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah explained that the Shi’ite movement commands a 100,000 fighters-strong military structure, dwarfing that of the Lebanese Forces. The difference between the two, he pointed out, is that Hezbollah’s forces protect the Lebanese people.
It may be enough to concentrate the minds of the more pragmatic US officials, but the links between Washington and the Lebanese Forces run much deeper than that of Geagea who, despite his delusions of grandeur, remains a marginal figure and is unlikely to be trusted with a leading political role.
Walid Phares, a former leading light in the Lebanese Forces, now acts as a national security advisor and consultant on Middle Eastern politics in the US. Fleeing the country in 1990, he went on to advise the presidential election campaigns of Mitt Romney and then Donald Trump.
During the Lebanese Civil War, Phares told Christian militiamen that they were the vanguard of a war between the West and Islam. He justified the fight against Muslims by saying “we must have our own country, our own state, our own entity, and we have to be separate.”
Despite his peddling of far-right, Islamophobic conspiracy theories, he has rebranded himself as an academic and has testified to international bodies including the European Parliament and UN Security Council on international security matters and the Middle East.
He does not appear to have held any official government post, but his closeness to a former president and his movement in elite circles is clearly a cause for alarm.
The links do not end there. Soon after the shootings, journalist Hosein Mortada claimed to have identified one of the snipers as Shukri Abu Saab – who he said works as a security official at the US embassy.
Perhaps unsurprisingly there has been a blanket media silence over the revelations, while the embassy itself has not responded to the allegations, raising suspicions further.
US ambassador Dorothy Shea has long been accused of using the embassy as an outpost for the imperialist carve-up of Lebanon and opening the country up to the mercy of the World Bank and the IMF.
It may be passed off as a mere coincidence that under secretary of state Victoria Nuland was in the Lebanese capital at the time the ambush took place, pledging an additional $67 million to the country’s armed forces as she demanded economic reform and the need to hold elections as a prerequisite for continued US support.
It also may be a mere coincidence that the Lebanese army changed its narrative of events soon after the US cash boost to appear to blame Hezbollah for its own supporters being shot at. This is despite footage circulating that appears to show a Lebanese soldier shooting at protesters.
But the attempts to destabilize Lebanon came soon after the formation of a new government, ending 13-months of political deadlock, along with the US failure to disarm Hezbollah despite sanctions and other external pressure.
The US is also angered after Hezbollah smashed sanctions imposed by Washington on Iran and Syria, by importing oil to alleviate Lebanon’s fuel crisis. This slap in the face for imperialism was a humiliating defeat, breaking the siege of Lebanon with ease and at the same time rendering the restrictive measures meaningless.
It also exposed the declining power of the US on a global stage, with the dollar at risk of losing its position as the world currency and with it Washington’s ability to control global financial markets.
Solidarity among nations has proved vital in defeating the US, and it is solidarity among the Lebanese people that will help the country rise up once more and consign the likes of Geagea and the Lebanese Forces along with all those who seek to destroy Lebanon to the dustbin of history.
Lebanon’s military court summoned Thursday the Leader of the Lebanese Forces [LF] political party Samir Geagea, over the slaughtering of seven civilians in Beirut last week.
Lebanese media outlets on Thursday reported that the court summoned Geagea to hear his testimony on the October 14 violence in light of the confessions of those detained over the massacre that was committed in Tayyouneh area, a region close to Beirut’s southern suburb.
At least seven people were martyred and 60 others injured in an attack on October 14, during which Hezbollah and Amal Movement supporters were shot from rooftops while they were gathering to peacefully protest against a judge investigating last year’s Beirut Port explosion as they accused him of bias.
In a statement, Hezbollah and Amal Movement said armed groups affiliated with the LF party, a former militia group during the 1975-1990 civil war, fired at the protesters from rooftops, aiming at their heads, in an attempt to drag Lebanon into new sectarian strife.
Meanwhile, Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on Monday said that “the Lebanese Forces’ true agenda for Lebanon is civil war.”
He further added: “The biggest existential threat to the Christians in Lebanon and the security of the Christian community is the Lebanese Forces party.”
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In a surprise move marking a departure from Hezbollah’s traditional policy, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah revealed a figure related to the group’s military body. It was an exclusive and specific number that excluded the organization’s broader structural bodies which consist of military and paramilitary units. The figure of 100,000 represents the group’s backbone.
“If we merly signaled to them rather than ordering them to move mountains, they would move them,” Sayyed Nasrallah said. This announcement was the first surprise.
Sayyed Nasrallah mentioned this figure in the context of a warning to those who think they can defeat Hezbollah with 15,000 fighters.
However, this may not have the desired effect on Lebanese Forces Party leader Samir Geagea, who is too foolish and ignorant to realize and appreciate the level danger. Therefore, this number is much more of a message for the real enemies who see Geagea as a mere tool – the United States and “Israel.”
The content of this message is that insisting on pushing fools towards creating a civil war will be the final nail in the coffin of American influence in Lebanon. As Sayyed Hashem Safi al-Din, head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council, said, “We have not yet fought the battle to end American influence over the institutions of the Lebanese state.” Therefore, insisting on this move may be the zero hour to start that battle, faster and easier.
On the other hand, the “Israeli” enemy will interpret this number in the framework of its strategy for its upcoming confrontation with Hezbollah, a strategy dominated by the certainty of defeat, but one that harbors an element of doubt about its actual demise. Therefore, this number seems to motivate concerns and misgivings, especially if the “Israeli” mind takes into account Sayyed’s many exceptions in determining the number.
Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah spoke at length about the common national interest, about Hezbollah’s relationship with the Christians and its national creed that moves it, and the extreme keenness – to very sensitive degrees – of preventing even civilians – not military or armed men – from entering Christian villages in 2000 after the defeat of the Zionist enemy and raising Hezbollah or Amal flags. If a party is so concerned about the feelings of the Christians, can it be accused of seeking to invade their land, honor, and money, and be viewed as an enemy that demands vigilance?
The one person who understands the importance of civil peace in Lebanon and the importance of the Christian presence in the East in general and not only in Lebanon, is Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. The colonial West seeks to empty the East of its Christians to consolidate the idea of conflict between an Islamic East and a Christian West, which is the basis and starting point of the Crusades. In addition, the strategy of displacing Christians is a colonial strategy, and it’s confirmed by the number of Christians in the region half a century ago compared to the numbers today. This strategy also serves the “Israeli” presence.
The evidence presented by Sayyed Nasrallah about Hezbollah’s protection of Christians wherever it they may be, are just some of the examples. This is contrast to the displacement, destruction, and killing of Christians wherever Geagea and his party are. These examples should be more than enough to ostracize and isolate this party as Christian, as well as isolate it nationally. While Sayyed Nasrallah seeks to preserve Christian blood, Geagea considers it a mere investment card and a bargaining chip with his international and regional operators.
Sayyed Nasrallah refrained from going too far back in history, to shed light on the crimes of Geagea and his party, which are detailed and proven in a court of law – crimes that are bloody and characterized by treachery. The Christian blood that Geagea claims to protect was spilled by his hands and stained his forehead, but the worst thing is that despite that barbarism in bloodshed, his history remains tainted with defeat. It’s almost as if this person is synonymous with defeat. Hence, defeat should be given the name Geagea.
Sayyed also refrained from mentioning Samir Geagea’s name. Even the “Israeli” media noticed this, and certainly this was not an absurd remark. By not mentioning his name, the Hezbollah leader sent another message that reflects Sayyed’s principles in his positions on the one hand and belittling the former [Geagea] on the other.
Sayyed Nasrallah insisted on the sanctity of the Lebanese army, as it is the last resort for the unity of Lebanon’s land and people, and as the unifying institution. But this does not mean turning a blind eye to some transgressions, which must be subject to investigation and accountability. This means that Sayyed Nasrallah wants to preserve this institution, even from the verbal scratching of some excited or angry enthusiasts.
This offers conclusive evidence that Hezbollah is the most committed to the state and its institutions, as well as to the file of the Tayouneh crime and previous crimes that are being handled by these state institutions. Meanwhile, it continues to call on the state to live up to its duties and is warning against complacency.
In the end of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah sent a message to the supporters of the resistance which was the last surprise – “the American attempts to provoke a civil war are the last mine.” Sayyed Nasrallah was declaring that the American bag of tricks was empty, and the “Israeli” bag of tricks was even emptier.
But the most important message relates to what he said about the end of the path of patience and insight.
“Patience and insight will bring you relief and victory that you do not expect.”
In fact, supporters of the resistance do not expect anything from it except victories and surprises. They stand in the trenches with insight. The only thing that will surprise these supporters is not to see it patient, feared, insightful, and victorious.
عندما يكون الصراع على زعامة أميركا للعالم من الطبيعي أن يكون القطب المقابل في الصراع كلاً من روسيا والصين، وعندما يتحوّل الصراع إلى عنوان مستقبل الهيمنة الأميركية على آسيا من الطبيعي أن تبرز إيران كقطب مقابل، لكن عندما تقرر واشنطن الانسحاب من المنطقة وتتعثر بعقدة الأمن الإسرائيلي، وتتركز عندها كل خيوط الحركة الأميركية في آسيا واستطراداً بوجه روسيا والصين، يتحول التجاذب إلى قطبين متقابلين، واشنطن في ضفة ويقف حزب الله على الضفة المقابلة، بصفته القوة الممسكة بالتهديد الأكبر على أمن “إسرائيل”، ويتعقد كل المشهد الإقليمي والدولي عند هذه النقطة، وتصير كل قراءة سياسية مدعوة للتوقف أمام المفردات التي يتشكل منها مشهد التجاذب والصراع بين واشنطن وحزب الله، وتصر التفاصيل اللبنانية التي لا تقدم ولا تؤخر في الحسابات الدولية، ذات أهمية استثنائية في هذه الحسابات، فتقرر واشنطن تجميد مفاعيل قانون قيصر للعقوبات على سورية، لتسجيل نقطة في السباق التنافسي الذي أطلقه حزب الله مع سفن كسر الحصار.
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ينطلق الفريقان في هذا الصراع من مسلمة استحالة حسمه بالضربة القاضية خصوصاً من الجانب الأميركي، طالما أن حزب الله لا يتطلع إلى الضربة القاضية في المواجهة مع السياسات الأميركية ولا يزعم قدرته على ذلك، لكن المهم أن واشنطن كقوة عاملية عظمى تلاقي الحزب على التسليم بنتيجة مشابهة في ما يخص مواجهتها معه، فكثيرة هي الدراسات والتحليلات التي تتحدث عن استحالة إلحاق هزيمة ساحقة بالحزب، سواء عبر الحرب أو عبر المسارات البديلة، لحروب جانبية، فسقف الرهان الأميركي على تجييش اللبنانيين بنتيجة الدفع نحو الانهيار الاقتصادي هو إضعاف الحليف المسيحي لحزب الله الذي يمثله التيار الوطني الحر في الانتخابات النيابية كما قال جيفري فيلتمان في قراءته لانتفاضة 17 تشرين التي تحولت إلى برنامج عمل أميركي منذ ذلك التاريخ، والرهان الذي ترجمه الاعتماد على تشكيلات المجتمع المدني وحزبي الكتائب والقوات اللبنانية للاستثمار بهذا الاتجاه، وهو ما يسميه حزب القوات بنقل الغالبية النيابية من ضفة إلى ضفة، وهذا إن حصل لا يغير كثيراً في التوازنات الحاكمة، فالكل يعترف أن أكبر إنجازات حزب الله في فرض إرادته في مؤسسات الدولة كان الفوز بالمجيء بالعماد ميشال عون رئيساً للجمهورية، وهذا حدث عندما كانت الغالبية النيابية عند حلف مناوئ لحزب الله.
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الحدثان الكبيران المحيطان بالتجاذبات اللبنانية الداخلية لا يصلح أي منهما لتشكيل المنصة التي سيظهر عليها حاصل التوازنات المتنازع على ترسميها بالنقاط، بعد التسليم بسقوط فرضية الضربة القاضية، فقضية التحقيق التي يقودها المحقق العدلي قاضي بيطار وتشكل محور اشتباك كبير بين واشنطن وحزب الله، واستحضار مخاطرة دفع البلد نحو الحرب الأهلية، التي أطلت بقرنيها من بوابة مجزرة الطيونة، منصتان خطيرتان لكنهما لا تصلان إلى حد تمثيل إحداهما المنصة الرئيسية لتسييل التوازنات، فالذي يعرفه الأميركيون أن سقف كل من هاتين المنصتين مشاغلة حزب الله، من دون القدرة على فرض أي تنازلات عليه، والتحقيق القضائي لو بلغ ذروته بتوجيه الاتهام لحزب الله، وهو أمر إشكالي كبير يبطل كل منهج القاضي القائم على استبعاد جرم تفجير وتركيز الملاحقة على التقصير والإهمال، وليس لحزب الله مسؤول حكومي معني بالمرفأ يمكن ملاحقة الحزب من خلاله، وفتح ملف النترات ومن جلبها ومن استعملها سيسقط قيمة الملاحقات الحالية ويظهر كيديتها، ويمنح حزب الله فرصة الخوض في ملفات موثقة لديه حول مصدر النترات ووجهتها ومن استفاد منها، وفي أسوأ الأحوال إن سار القاضي نحو الاتهام، فلن يكون أشد خطورة من حكم صادر عن محكمة دولية يتهم الحزب باغتيال الرئيس رفيق الحريري، لم يغير شيئاً في التوازنات ولم يفتح باباً لتفاوض وتنازلات، أما الحرب الأهلية فهي ليست قراراً يتخذه طرف، ما دام الآخرون غير مستعدين للاستجابة، وسقف الممكن هو المخاطرة بميني حرب أهلية قابلة للتكرار، وهذا يسغل بال حزب الله، لكنه ليس منصة الربح بالنقاط على حزب الله لفتح باب المساومات المفترض أميركياً، فهو لن يكون أشد خطورة في إشغال واستنزاف حزب الله مما مثلته الحرب على سورية بسعتها وامتدادها وجدية ما أتاحته من فرص حشد مقدرات يمكن الرهان عليها لقلب الموازين بوجه حزب الله.
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المنصة الوحيدة التي تصلح لتشكيل محور التجاذب، والتي لا تغيب عن خطابات السيد نصرالله هي منصة ثروات النفط والغاز، وهي التي تشكل المحور الأشد أهمية لدى الأميركي، والتي يعتقد الأميركيون أن صرف أي توازنات داخلية لبنانية يتم على منصتها، فعلى هذه المنصة يراهن الأميركيون أن يتم التوصل بشأنها إلى تسوية تتيح استثمار ثروات النفط والغاز على طرفي الحدود، وخلق مناخ اقتصادي يخلق ظروفاً ضاغطة تحول دون التورط في الحروب، التي تخشى واشنطن منها على أمن إسرائيل بعد الانسحاب من المنطقة، طالما أن تحصيل أي تنازلات من حزب الله لضمان أمن إسرائيل صار أعلى مرتبة من المستحيلات، وهذا معنى وصول المبعوث الأميركي لتهيئة ظروف العودة للتفاوض حول ترسيم الحدود البحرية، فما شهدناه ونشهده في قضيتي التحقيق ومجزرة الطيونة، بالونات اختبار لقياس مدى قدرة حزب الله على تجاوز المطبات الخطيرة، وقياس مدى توافر فرص لخلق مناخ داخلي لتمرير تسوية بخصوص الترسيم، لا تحمل إسرائيل أكلافاً باهظة، بعدما قرر الأميركي السير بخيار السعي لفكفكة العقد التي صنعها أملاً بإضعاف حزب الله، وباتت اليوم عبئاً يجب التراجع عنه، لكن بأقل الأكلاف، تماماً كما جرى في الملف الحكومي، فجرى فك الحظر عن ولادتها، لكن لم يفك الحظر عن شروط نجاحها.
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قرأ الأميركيون جيداً سلوك حزب الله تجاه ملفي التحقيق ومجزرة الطيونة، وتمعنوا في كلام السيد نصرالله وما بين السطور، وسيحاول موفدهم حول ترسيم الحدود إنعاش التفاوض، وسيحاولون الوصول إلى تسوية يقبلها لبنان، وضمناً حزب الله، وربما يحمل المبعوث الأميركي مسعى القبول بخط الـ860 كلم الذي رفضه سلفه فريديريك هوف وعرض على لبنان نصف المساحة، ويبقى تقدير ما يراه لبنان بتوازناته وحساباته مقبولاً أمراً معلقاً لحين سماع العرض الأميركي، وحتى لو تم التوصل إلى تفاهم فهذا لا يعني أن الأميركي سيترك لبنان سيرتاح، فسيعاود العرقلة في مسار التنقيب، وستبقى المواجهة سجال، ولذلك لا يبدو حزب الله مستعجلاً على حسم الترسيم قبل الرحيل الأميركي من المنطقة، من دون أن يشترك بالسجال حول خطوط الترسيم، أو المراسيم.
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