Matty Shmuelevitz served as the “director general” of Begin’s office. I would guess that Matty is the man on the far left in this photo from 1983. At this point the plans for 9-11 had already begun and the stage was being set in the United States for the biggest false-flag terror attack in history. If Rahm Emanuel is related to Matty Shmuelevitz, as I suggest, then we can understand the role Emanuel played in setting the stage during the Clinton administrations, when he served as a special advisor to the president.So, when Gilad Atzmon says that Zionism has “been entangled with an endless list of sins from day one,” he knows what he is talking about. He does not hide the fact that he was raised in a family that is tied to Jewish terrorism. As he says in the opening lines of his book:
My grandfather was a charismatic, poetic, veteran Zionist terrorist. A former prominent commander in the right-wing Irgun terror organization…
His family’s relationship to Zionist terrorism gives Gilad Atzmon’s perspective an authenticity that is lacking in much of the literature about Zionism and Israel. Atzmon is more than just another critical Israeli who grew up during the time of the Six-Day War (1967), the Yom Kippur War (1973), and the invasion of Lebanon (1982) – his ancestors are among the key terrorists behind the creation of the state of Israel and, as we now know, one of his relatives played a key role in the false-flag terrorism of 9-11.
Atzmon’s insights about Israel and Jewish identity politics come from a dissident who was raised in a family of dedicated Zionists. This is why I think his critique of Zionism is one of the essential books of our time. Most Americans have very little, if any, understanding of what Zionism means in reality although their government is the most important financier and political supporter of the “Jewish state.” This lack of understanding is intentional, of course. The history of Israel is not taught in our universities and our controlled media presents an utterly false image of what Zionism is all about.
If the history of Zionism were taught at our universities, Atzmon’s book would certainly be on the reading list because it is the voice of an honest and articulate Israeli dissident:
As a young Israeli I believed in the Zionist ethos, I regarded myself an inherent part of the Jewish modern revival project. I saw myself as part of Jewish history, and Jewish history as an extension of myself. As a young Israeli growing up in the post-1967 era, I saw myself and the people around me as an evolving collective consciousness, fighting a revolutionary battle for historic justice…
As a young secular Israeli Jew, I believed enthusiastically in the possibility of transformation of the Jewish character into a ‘civilised, authentic humanist collective’. I believed myself to be one. I then grasped, through a long and painful process that Israel wouldn’t bring about a humanist Jew. It was entangled in a colossal sin and it was far too arrogant to save itself from its doomed circumstances.
Although the U.S. government is the primary supporter of the state of Israel and the assembled members of Congress gave twenty-nine standing ovations to its extreme right-wing prime minister, most Americans, Jews and Gentiles alike, function with “an imaginary Israel” in their mind, something that they want to believe in, but which bears no resemblance to reality. As I often say about naïve apologists for Israel: They simply do not understand the nature of the beast.
This is why I find the following extract from Atzmon’s book to be the most important. It explains in plain English the essence of “the Jewish state”:
One may be left perplexed on learning that just three years after the liberation of Auschwitz (1945) the newly-formed Jewish state ethnically cleansed the vast majority of the indigenous population of Palestine (1948). Just five years after the end of World War Two, the Jewish state brought to life racially-discriminatory return laws in order to prevent the 1948 Palestinian refugees from coming back to their cities, villages, fields and orchards. These laws, still in place today, were not categorically different from the notorious Nazi Nuremberg Laws.
These are the essential facts about “the Jewish state” that need to be taken into consideration when we discuss the state of Israel. The well-written Atzmon critique is contained in a small book of about 200 pages yet he manages to deftly handle all of the main issues of Jewish identity politics and Zionism with intelligence and humor.
There is one point where Atzmon and I do not agree. In several places he says, “I do not believe in Jewish conspiracies; everything is done in the open.” I, on the other hand, think that a great deal of Zionist planning is done in secret societies, like the B’nai B’rith, the parent organization of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and Hillel. The Zionist planning of the false-flag terrorism of 9-11, for example, was clearly done behind closed doors in a secret society where oaths of secrecy have been sworn. Such secret societies exist for a reason and secrecy is the most important aspect of such organizations.
I asked Gilad about this statement and told him that my reading of Zionist history revealed that secret societies like the B’nai Moshe, B’nai B’rith, and others, played key roles in creating the Zionist fervor in Eastern Europe in the late 1800s and beyond. One source in particular, the Encyclopedia of Zionism and Israel, by Raphael Patai, Herzl Press, 1971, has many articles about these secret societies.
He wrote back agreeing that this “could be an open subject to debate.”
Sources: Atzmon, Gilad, The Wandering Who? – A Study of Jewish Identity Politics, Zero Books (UK), 2011
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