Showing posts with label Decisive Strom. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Decisive Strom. Show all posts

Sunday, 9 October 2016

Yemenis hold mass protest to condemn Saudi carnage outside UN office in Sana’a

The protesters gathered outside the United Nations’ office and chanted anti-Saudi slogans. They condemned the deadly airstrikes that targeted a funeral gathering in the capital and demanded justice for the victims. Yemeni demonstrators also denounced the United Nations for failing to halt Riyadh’s onslaught. According to Yemeni officials, Saudi warplanes first hit a funeral ceremony of the father of Yemen’s interior minister. Later, a second air raid targeted the same area while medics were trying to evacuate the injured. A number of senior Ansarullah members are said to be among the fatalities. More than 140 Yemenis were killed and over 620 others injured in Saturday’s bloody aerial attack.
October 9, 2016
Thousands of Yemenis took to the streets of the capital, Sana’a, to denounce a recent Saudi airstrike that left hundreds of civilians dead or injured and prompted global condemnations.
Carrying flags and placards, the demonstrators gathered outside the United Nations office in Sana’a on Sunday to express their outrage at the Saudi aggression against their country.
The protest rally was called by Yemen’s Supreme Political Council on Saturday.Sanaa massacre
More than 140 people were killed and over 525 wounded on Saturday, when the Saudi airstrike hit a community hall in southern Sana’a, where a funeral for the father of Interior Minister Jalal al-Roweishan was being held. The Saudi missiles tore through the hall with hundreds of body parts left strewn in and outside the building.
The death toll was one of the largest in a single incident since March 2015, when the Riyadh regime began its deadly campaign against Yemen.
Sana’a Mayor Abdel Qader Hilal was reported to be among the victims of Saturday’s assault.
In another development on Sunday, Hamza al-Houthi, a senior member of the Houthi Ansarullah movement, accused the Saudi kingdom of trying to hide its crimes in Yemen to prevent the international bodies from decrying its misdeeds.
“Saudi Arabia’s denial of its crimes in Yemen at this time is a tactic used to cover them up and prevent investigative committees from exposing the dimensions of these crimes,” Houthi said.
The Scenes of Saudi jets’ bombardment broadcast on TV are strong proof of the Saudi crimes in Yemen, Houthi further pointed out.
The official also called on the international community, with the United Nations at the helm, to take a practical and explicit measure in response to the attack.
The comments come after Saudi military spokesman Brigadier General Ahmed Asiri refused to take responsibility for the fatal aerial assault in Yemen, saying an investigation must be launched into the incident.
Following the deadly raid, Yemeni forces began a new series of retaliatory air attacks against Saudi military positions in the kingdom’s border areas.
According to Yemen’s al-Masirah television, Yemeni armed forces fired missiles at the al-Karas military base in Saudi Arabia’s southwestern region of Jizan, killing an unspecified number of Saudi troops and destroying their vehicles.
The Yemeni army launched Katyusha missiles at a gathering of Saudi forces at another military position in Jizan.
Yemeni snipers also killed a Saudi soldier at the Matha’an military base in the same region.
Inside the Arab country, the Yemeni army’s artillery fire hit a gathering of pro-Saudi militants in Ta’izz Province, with no reports of casualties.
Source: Press TV
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Friday, 9 September 2016

Saudi Arabia Cannot Pay Its Workers or Bills – Yet Continues To Fund a War in Yemen

Almost exactly a year after Salman bin Albdulaziz Al Saud, king of Saudi Arabia, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and head of the House of Saud, hurriedly left his millionaire’s mansion near Cannes with his 1,000 servants to continue his vacation in Morocco, the kingdom’s cash is not flowing so smoothly for the tens of thousands of sub-continental expatriates sweating away on his great building sites.


Almost unreported outside the Kingdom, the country’s big construction magnates – including that of the Binladen group – have not been paid by the Saudi government for major construction projects and a portion of the army of Indian, Pakistani, Sri Lankan and other workers have received no wages, some of them for up to seven months.
Indian and Pakistani embassies approached the Saudi government, pleading that their workers should be paid. Economists who adopt the same lickspittle attitude towards the Saudi monarchy as the British Government, constantly point out that the authorities have been overwhelmed by the collapse of oil prices.
They usually prefer not to mention something at which the rest of the world remains aghast: deputy crown prince and defense minister Mohamed bin Salman’s wasteful and hopeless war in Yemen. Since the king’s favorite son launched this preposterous campaign against the “Houthis” last year, supporting the internationally recognized Yemeni president against Shia Muslims, aircraft flown by Saudi and Emirati pilots [aided by British technical “experts” on the ground] have bombed even more hospitals, clinics and medical warehouses than America has destroyed in Serbia and Afghanistan combined since 1999.
The result? A country with 16 per cent of the world’s proven oil reserves, whose Aramco oil company makes more than $1bn a day and now records a budget deficit of $100bn, cannot pay its bills. At first, the Yemen fiasco was called “Operation Decisive Storm”, which – once it proved the longest and least decisive Arab “storm” in the Middle East’s recent history – was changed to “Operation Restore Hope”. And the bombing went on, just as it did in the pre-“hope” “storm”, along with the help of the UK’s “experts”. No wonder the very same deputy crown prince Mohamed announced this year that state spending on salaries would be lowered, yet individual earnings would rise.
In Pakistan, whose soldiers make up a large number of the “Saudi” armed forces, there has been outrage, parliamentarians are asking why three Saudi companies have not paid salaries for eight months, refusing even to provide food for their employees. In some cases, the Pakistanis have paid their own nationals for food supplies.
In Saudi Arabia itself, the government seems unable to cope with the crisis. The Arab News says that 31,000 Saudi and other foreign workers have lodged complaints with the government’s labor ministry over unpaid wages. On one occasion, the Indian consulate and local Indian expatriates brought food to the workers so that their people should not starve. The overall figure that the government owes the construction companies owed may be billions of dollars.
Overtly xenophobic comments have emerged in the Saudi press. Writing in the Saudi Gazette, Abdulrahman Saad Al-Araabi said:
“Many expats hate us and are angry because we are a rich country. Some of them go so far as to say that we, Saudis, do not deserve these blessings and the money we have. That is the reason why some of them become violent when they do not get paid on time.”
Well, I suppose some people are paying a lot of cash to the Jabhat al-Nusra [recently re-named Jabhat Fateh al-Sham al-Nusrah] or Al-Qaeda or Isis lads out there in the line of fire in Syria.
Embassy staff from the Philippines, France and many countries in the Middle East, have raised the problems with the Saudi government. Typical of their responses has been that of Saudi Oger which said it had been “affected by current circumstances [sic] which resulted in some delays in delays in fulfilling our commitments to our employees”.
The Saudi government insisted the company paid its employees. Many of them, it should be added, are Lebanese whose Sunni Muslims come from the Sunni areas of Lebanon who traditionally vote for the Sunni leader’s son Saad.
An official of the company made the extraordinary statement that “the company’s situation is unstable due to the scrapping [sic] of many of its projects it was to execute,
” Meanwhile, workers at United Seemac construction company are complaining they have not been paid for months – or even granted permission to leave the country. Some had apparently not been paid for more than a year and a half. Unlike the big companies such as Binladen and Oger, these men – and they are indeed mostly men – are consumed into the smaller employees. “All the attention is on the big companies – it’s easy to ignore us because we are not so many people.”
All in all, a dodgy scenario in our beloved monarchy-dictatorship, whose war against the Shia Ansarullah – and the Shia Hizbullah, the Shia/Alawite regime in Damascus and Iran – is unending. Wasn’t there an equally dodgy Al-Yamamah arms deal with the Saudis a few years ago?
No cash flow problems then. And what does “yamamah” mean in Arabic? “Dove”? Let us go no further.

Source: The Independent, Edited by website team
09-09-2016 | 10:05

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Monday, 5 September 2016

«Oh Saudi Surrender!»





The narrative about the Yemeni war (still in the making) looks as though it is leaning towards laying the groundwork for the conclusion of today’s round. It is a “round”, because it cannot of course, in the case of Yemen and the components making up the mosaic of politicians and the military, distinguish between the series of wars and conflicts produced in Sana’a, Sa’ada, and Aden.
Saudi forces
It is useless to produce an academic “dossier” where the features of the battle as well as the driving factors for the production of war are not properly examined. The historical value should be taken into consideration in accordance with the nature of those involved and the actors behind them. In this manner of organic correlation, events in Yemen can be viewed as always being “monolithic” and part of a chain reaction.
These events contain a semi-standardized layout for internal wars and their expansions to other borders. Events in Yemeni serve as a foundation for analyzing and tracking the development of battles and their semi-final outcomes.
The “bare feet” are stronger on their land
In his biography, the late British diplomat Anthony Nutting, wrote about [Egypt’s] leader Gamal Abdel Nasser. He claimed that the reason behind Nasser’s intervention in the Yemeni war in the sixties, to fight alongside the revolutionary republic troops against the Zaidi “Imamate”, was to restore Egypt’s “stature” in the Arab world following the disintegration of its pact with Syria. The move highlights the scale of Abdel Nasser’s role in leading the region in its fight against “Israel”. Nasser’s involvement in Yemen was designed to produce a quick and decisive military victory.
But Nutting neglected to say that Abdel Nasser depended on local popular “concepts” to understand the reality on a group in Yemen. This is contrary to what the Saudis are doing in the current war. Back then the Egyptian leadership assumed that the tales about the Yemeni wars which dated back hundreds of years – the most recent at the time was the Saudi-Yemeni war in 1934 – were only undocumented narratives where the nationalist sentiment was mixed with the heritage, and that a war with soldiers wearing “sandals” and “slippers” would be a walk in the park.
In his memoirs, the commander of the “Arab forces”, during Yemen’s 1962 post-revolution, Gen. Abdul Mohsen Mortagy, reveals that the Egyptian troops entered a war where the partial but influential elements differed from what the military maps showed. The maps did not show the changes in weather conditions, the rugged tracks or the fierce fighters possessing diverse fighting experience in both mountain and desert warfare. The memoir also explains that about sixty thousand Egyptian soldiers were at a loss in their dealings with local “elements” living in versatility especially when they melted into one tribal component.

But the picture that best “testifies” to the reality of the tragic war was what Mortagy said about the feet of the Egyptian soldiers. Stones and sharp rocks ruined the carefully manufactured Eastern European boots and caused the soldiers’ feet to bleed. This means that only the “bare foot” soldiers possessed the tools, means, and ways to fight a the war in Yemen.
Drawing the demarcation lines
Despite the thousands of videos and images that the current Yemeni war produced and is still producing, one in particular in which a Yemeni fighter calls out to a Saudi soldier inside the garrison somewhere in Najran, can be a crucial for understanding the battle and in trying to establish a semi-adequate image for its conclusion. The scene of a Yemeni soldier calling on a Saudi fighter to surrender, as normal as it seems in wars, remains a milestone. It is also a direct indication of the collapse of the alleged superiority “structure” in the conflict between the two sides, especially that this supposed “surrender” is taking place behind the Saudi defense lines and naturally beyond the “sovereign” line separating the Kingdom and its younger Yemeni “half-brother”. Judging by how the battles are unfolding, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its Arab “alliance” has lost control of the war. The war has become more open to producing scenarios that go beyond the ability of containment, which means that the cards Sana’a holds at the final solution table are unpredictable in terms of quality and number.
In comparison to other historical experiences, specifically the Egyptian one, this battle does not stop reinventing itself. This is especially true along it’s multiple fronts but also runs in parallel with the monotonous nature of battles stretching on for more than a year in the key areas of Taiz, Marib as well as all the areas in between. It is monotonous in a way that both parties can no longer push forward and make progress in a direct military sense and convert it into currency at the negotiating table. To an extent, the Houthis and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh have benefited from their control over the northern region, which is in accordance with the borders drawn up following the 1994 war between Sana’a and Aden. For Saleh and the Houthis this means not having to deal with the historical grievances of the southerners. This also means moving away from the southern “national” project and its demand to secede, as well as the parallel incubator environment for the jihadist Salafi organizations and their existing battles with everyone in areas between Hadramaut to Aden. Defending the central and northern regions remains crucial to the nature of the landscape and its balances.
To a large extent, all of the above benefits Sana’a.
In contrast to the monotonous nature of the internal fronts, the joint Yemeni forces (the “Houthis” and the army) opted to accelerate the pace of the war without resorting to “crazy” scenarios and using ballistic or smart missiles to strike naval or strategic targets. These “crazy” scenarios can serve as an example of an immature tendency in the way the battle is managed on the ground, on the basis that it exhausts the brinkmanship option to no avail. The standardized use of a ballistic arsenal reveals two sets of concerns on the part of the Houthis and President Saleh.
On the one hand they do not want to appear to be a rouge organization but rather a unified front opened to negotiations. On the other hand they are careful about wasting this capability. Parallel to the missile capabilities, Sana’a headed towards transforming the border war with Riyadh into a “strategic” weapon, to be used as an ultimate political asset. This asset is to be used as leverage during negotiations where thus far Yemen’s “legitimacy” was represented by Saudi Arabia.
The rationed war is awaiting a final solution
From the Yemeni point of view, it is no longer possible to go around in circles when it comes to readying a final solution to the conflict. The possible solution is based on the implementation of international resolutions concerning the conflict, such as the UN resolution 2216, and what it would mean to abandon the gains from the post Houthi “coup” in September 2014. So the exit came from a local point of view; to activate a political action, running parallel to the armed action. This was done through the formation of a political council, appointing a “president” with a collaborating team. This confirms the direction Sana’a is heading towards in conducting its internal political and administrative affairs independently from the nature of the negotiations outside. This in itself creates a kind of political balance in the foreign diplomatic rhetoric, which was based on the mantra of “coup” versus “legitimate government”. The Northern Yemeni Alliance reinforced its political move with a “historic” demonstration on August 20, to display popular support in favor of the Houthi-Saleh alliance. This alliance is opposed to the warring factions in the South, despite the “Iron Dome” granted to them by Riyadh.
The political developments ran parallel with the accelerated pace of border operations and incursions [into Saudi Arabia]. This was accompanied by a media campaign on the part of the Yemeni forces, culminating in the call “Oh Saudi, Surrender!”. The combination of these operations poses a moral blow to the Saudi royal ground forces, which form the backbone of the battle from the other side of the border. This comes after General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar withdrew Yemeni forces loyal to Riyadh from the border area, and re-deployed them in Marib, hoping to compensate for the lack of power after the influential tribal withdrawals along the Marib front. In addition, this war has occupied wide range of sectors in the Saudi armed forces.
The task for the Saudis has become defending the homeland disregarding the causes and stated objectives of the war. During the past weeks, it became natural to record dozens of Saudi air strikes daily on areas within the kingdom. The strikes targeted major cities in the regions of Najran and Asir, for fear of loosing it to Yemeni troops and repeating the fall of the Saudi city of Rabuah in the middle of the current war.
Source: As-Safir Newspaper, Translated and Edited by website team
03-09-2016 | 15:27

«سلّم نفسك يا سعودي!»

عبد الله زغيب

تبدو سرديّة الحرب اليمنية (قيد الصناعة)، كما لو أنها تميل أكثر نحو إنضاج الظروف المهيئة لخاتمة الجولة القائمة اليوم. فهي «جولة»، لأنه لا يمكن بطبيعة حال اليمن وعناصره المكونة لفسيفساء الساسة والعسكر، الفصل بين سلسلة الصراعات والحروب التي أنتجتها صنعاء وصعدة وعدن. إذ لا ينفع إنتاج «إضبارة» أكاديمية لا تختلط فيها ملامح المعارك، ولا تتداخل فيها العوامل الدافعة لصناعة الحرب عند كل منعطف سياسي. وهذا كله يفترض الأخذ أثقالها «التاريخية» بالاعتبار، بحسب طبيعة المنخرطين والمتدخلين من خلفهم. على هذا المنوال من الترابط العضوي، جاء الحدث اليمني دوماً «متراصاً» وبتفاعل متسلسل، في ظل نسق شبه موحّد «لنشأة» الحروب الداخلية وامتداداتها الحدودية أو الخارجية، الذي يصلح لأن يكون ركيزة لتحليل مسار المعارك و «مخرجاتها» شبه النهائية دوماً.

«الحفاة» أقوى على أرضهم

يقول الديبلوماسي البريطاني الراحل أنثوني ناتينغ في السيرة الذاتية التي أعدّها عن الزعيم جمال عبد الناصر، إن الأخير أراد في تدخّله بالحرب اليمنية في ستينيات القرن الماضي إلى جانب القوات الجمهورية الثائرة على «الإمامة» الزيدية، استعادة «الهيبة» المصرية في العالم العربي عقب انهيار الوحدة مع سوريا، بما يشكل رافعة «قياسية» لدور عبد الناصر في قيادة المنطقة في صراعها مع إسرائيل. كل ذلك من خلال انتصار عسكري سريع وحاسم. لكن ما لم يقله ناتينغ أن عبد الناصر ارتكز إلى مجموعة «مفاهيم» شعبية في قراءة الواقع اليمني، تتقاطع إلى حد بعـــــيد مع القراءة السعودية المنتجة للحرب الحاليّة (بشقها غير المحليّ). فالقيادة المصرية افترضت يومها أن حكايا حروب اليمن الممــتدة لمئات السنين، وأحـــــدثُها في ذلك الوقت الحرب اليمنية ـ السعودية العام 1934، ليست سوى سرديات غير موثّقة يتــــداخل فيها الوطني بالتراثي، وأن الحرب مع جنود يلبسون «الصنادل» و «النعال» ستكون نزهة سريعة.

تظهر مذكرات قائد «القوات العربية» في اليمن خلال حرب ما بعد ثورة العام 1962 الفريق أول عبد المحسن مرتجي، أن القوات المصرية دخلت في حرب تختلف عناصرها الجزئية إنما المؤثرة، عما تظهره الخرائط العسكرية، التي تعجز عن تبيان تقلبات الطقس ووعورة المسارات وصلابة المقاتلين الذين تختلط فيهم خبرات حروب الجبال والصحارى. كما تظهر أن نحو ستين ألف جندي مصري كانوا يعيشون حالة من الضياع في تعاطيهم مع «العناصر» المحليّة وتقلّباتها الشديدة، خاصة عندما تجتمع في مكونات قبليّة واحدة. لكن الصورة الأكثر «تظهيراً» لواقع الحرب المأساوي هناك ما قاله المرتجي عن أقدام الجنود المصريين، التي كانت تدمى بسبب الأحجار والصخور الحادة، بعد تقطيع الأخيرة أحذية الجنود المصنوعة بعناية وفق تقنيات مصانع أوروبا الشرقيّة، ما يعني أن للحرب في اليمن أدواتها وأساليبها وطرقها التي لا يمتلكها ويتقنها إلا الجنود «الحفاة».

ارتسام خطوط التماس

برغم آلاف المقاطع والصور التي أنتجتها الحرب اليمنية الحالية وما زالت، إلا أن صوت مقاتل يمني وهو ينادي جندياً سعودياً داخل حاميته في مكان ما في نجران، يمكن أن يشكل عنصراً حاسماً في قراءة المعركة مجدداً، ومحاولة صناعة صورة شبه وافية عن نهايـة مساراتها. فنداء مقاتل يمني لآخر سعودي ومطالبته بتسليم نفسه، مهما بدا حدثاً طبيعياً في جزئيات الحروب، يبقى علامة فارقة ومؤشراً مباشراً على انهيار «هيكل» التفوق المفترض في الصراع ما بين الجانبين، خاصة أن «الاستسلام» المفترض هذا، تدور رحاه ما وراء الخطوط السعودية الدفاعية، وبطبيعة الحال ما وراء الخط «السيادي» الفاصل ما بين المملكة و «شقيقها» اليمني الأصغر. وهذا يعني وفقاً لضرورات الأرض ومسارات المعركة أن الحرب خرجت عن نطاق سيطرة المملكة العربية السعودية و«تحالفها» العربي، بل أصبحت أكثر انفتاحاً على إنتاج حالات تتخطى قدرة الاحتواء، ما يعني كثافة غير محسوبة في عديد ونوعية الأوراق التي تتملكها صـنعاء تباعاً على طاولة الحل النهائي.

لا تكفّ المعركة هذه عن إعادة إنتاج الذات في مقارنتها مع التجارب التاريخية الأخرى، تحديداً المصرية منها، خاصة في تعدّد الجبهات وتداخلها، بالتوازي مع رتابة تمتد لأكثر من عام في مناطق القتال الأساسيّة في تعز ومأرب وما بينهما من مناطق في الوسط. وهي رتابة تعني أن أيّاً من الطرفين لم يعد بإمكانه الدفع قدماً وإحراز تقدم بالمعطى العسكري المباشر لتمريره في الاستحقاق السياسي. فإلى حد بعيد استفاد الحوثيون ومعهم الرئيس السابق علي عبد الله صالح من تكريس سيطرتهم على المنطقة الشمالية، وفقاً لخطوط التماس القائمة على حدود حرب العام 1994 بين صنعاء وعدن، ما يعني إزاحة تركة التناقض التاريخي الجنوبي عن كاهلهم. وهذا يفترض أيضاً ابتعاداً عن البيئة الحاضنة للمشروع «الوطني» الجنوبي ومطلبه القاضي بالانفصال، وكذلك البيئة الحاضنة الموازية للتنظيمات السلفيّة الجهادية في صــــراعها القائم مع الجميع من حضرموت إلى عدن، على أن يبقى الدفاع عن المناطــق الوسطى والشمالية خاضعاً لطبيــــعة الأرض وتوازناتها، وهي معطيات تبدو ثابتة لمصلحة صنعاء إلى حد بعيد.

في مقابل الرتابة في جبهات الداخل، آثرت القوات اليمنية المشتركة («حوثيون» وجيش) تسريع وتيرة الحدث من دون الخوض في خيارات «مجنونة» من قبيل استخدام الصواريخ البالستيّة أو الذكيّة في ضرب أهداف بحريّة أو استراتيجية. إذ إن ذلك يمكن أن يُظهر ميلاً غير ناضج في إدارة المعركة، على اعتبار أنه يستنفد خيارات حافة الهاوية من دون طائل عمليّ. فالاستخدام المقنن للترسانة البالستيّة يظهر حرصاً من الحوثيين والرئيس صالح على عدم الظهور كتنظيــمات مارقة، ولكن كجبهة موحّدة منفتحة على التسويات، في مقابل حرص آخر على الترسانة التي لا يتم تعويض فاقدها باليسر المطلوب نظراً لظروف الحرب. بالتوازي مع القدرات الصاروخيّة، اتجهت صنعاء نحو تحويل الحرب الحدودية مع الرياض إلى سلاح «استراتيجي» بالمنتـــــوج السياسي النهائي، وجعلها نقطة أساسيّة في الحوار مع «الشــــرعيّة» اليمنية الممثلة للسعــــودية على طاولة التفاوض.

الحرب المقنّنة بانتظار الحلّ النهائي

من وجهة النظر اليمنية في العاصمة صنعاء، لم يعد بالإمكان الدوران حول عمليّة إعداد حل نهائي يرتكز إلى تطبيق القرارات الدوليّة المعنية بالأزمة اليمنية الحالية كالقرار 2216، وما يعنيه من تخلٍّ عن مكتسبات مرحلة ما بعد «الانقلاب» الحوثي في أيلول من العام 2014. لذلك جاء المخرج من وجهة النظر المحليّة بالذهاب نحو تفعيل العمل السياسي الموازي للعمل المسلح، عبر تشكيل المجلس السياسي وما يعنيه في الشكل من تعيين «رئيس» للبلاد مع فريق معاون، وما يؤكده من اتجاه صنعاء نحو تسيير أمورها السياسية والإدارية الداخلية بمعزل عن طبيعة التفاوض في الخارج. وهذا بحدّ ذاته يخلق نوعاً من التوازن السياسي في الخطابة الديبلوماسية الخارجية التي ارتكزت طوال الفترة الماضية على أدبيات «الانقلابيين» في مواجهة «الشرعيّة». كما دعّم التحالف اليمني الشمالي خطوته هذه بالتظاهرة «التاريخيّة» في 20 آب الماضي، لإظهار الثقل الشعبي لتحالف الحوثي ـ صالح، في مقابل أطراف متداخلة ومتصارعة في الجنوب، برغم القبة الحديدية الممنوحة لهم من الرياض.

بالتوازي مع التصعيد السياسي جاء التسريع في وتيرة العمليات الحدودية والتوغلات، ومرافقتها بالجهاز الإعلامي المصاحب للحرب من جهة القوات اليمنية المشتركة، للوصول إلى مقطع «سلّم نفسك يا سعودي»، خاصة أن هذه العمليات يمكن أن تشكل ضربة معنوية قياسية للقوات الملكية البريّة السعودية، التي تشكل عصب المعركة من الجهة الأخرى. علماً أن هذا يأتي بعد سحب القوات اليمنية الموالية للرياض بقيادة الجنرال علي محسن الأحمر من المنطقة الحدودية، وإعادة نشرها في مأرب أملاً بتعويض نقص القوة بعد انسحابات قبلية مؤثرة في تلك الجبهة، إضافة إلى إشغال هذه الحرب لقطاعات واسعة في القوات السعودية المسلحة. إذ تقتضي المهمة في هذا الوارد الدفاع عن الوطن بمعزل عن مسببات الحرب وأهدافها النهائية، فأصبح من الطبيعي خلال الأسابيع الماضية تسجيل عشرات الغارات الجوية السعودية يومياً على مناطق داخل المملكة، في ظل العمل على تحصين المدن الكبرى في مناطق نجران وعسير، خوفاً من تمكن القوات اليمنية من الدخول إليها وتكرار نموذج سقوط مدينة الربوعة السعودية منتصف الحرب القائمة حالياً.

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18 Months on the Saudi Aggression on Yemen

18 Months on the Saudi Aggression on Yemen
Designed By: Nour Fakih


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Thursday, 1 September 2016

ستبكون لأجل اتفاق كداريّاYou will cry for an agreement such as Darya


Written by Nasser Kandil,

Those who emerge on the Saudi satellites as the Syrians of the coalition, the group of the negotiators, and those who hold titles as the Free Army, experts, and analysts are crying much over the agreement of Darya, which allowed for a group of killers to depart safely to a distant area as Idlib,  where all the remnant of the armed groups may gather and weep seeking for an agreement such as Darya , after it has provided for their incubating background and their families safe dwelling places to prevent any  revenge from hundreds of those who lost their dear ones of soldiers and officers at their hands. This is rare in wars such as the Syrian war. This has led the Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov who accompanied and accompanies, observed and observes the course of war to say that the example of Darya is worthy of generalizing, not just because he wants to see the fall of the areas in which the killers are gathering holding falsely the title of rebels return to the bosom of the Syrian country, but to encourage the Syrian country to continue the course of Darya which Lavrov is afraid of the difficulty of its applying in the coming stages of the war,  when we approach from the fate of Idlib. And because those who emerge on TVs work under the command of the owner of the matter and the money, so there is no restriction on their speech, as long as those who put them in such a position as the position of Darya know the meaning of Lavrov’s speech. So they hurry up to ask for the repetition of the example before the clock strikes. Here the important examples are not from Hai Al Waer in Homs or from the eastern neighborhoods of Aleppo, and surely not from Moadamieh but from Duma where the negotiation started on a settlement that starts with sending hundreds of hostages that are arrested by the militants of Duma from the days of massacres of Adra Al Omaliya towards a settlement that ends the fight.
What is going on is bigger than what can be comprehended by the narrow-minded as the mind of Michael Kilo and who is alike. The compatibility has been settled that Saudi Arabia pays the cost of the region’s wars and Turkey escapes, But as a result of the foolishness through which the Kurdish leadership behaved in the northern of Syria, it will make the loss from the share of the Kurds’ issue which was under a Russian Syrian Iranian care position, before the leaders of the Kurds put their fate at the hands of the Americans who have sold them to the Turks, all the groups of Saudi Arabia will pay the cost along with them. The separation between the terrorism and the opposition is made according to the equation of the separation between the groups of Saudi Arabia which are gathering in Idlib and the groups of Turkey which go to fight ISIS and want to reserve a seat in Geneva and a similar seat in a unified government under the presidency of the Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, waiting the elections which they know that they will re-lead the President Al-Assad to the presidential palace. Saudi Arabia which its project falls in Syria with the fall of Darya, because it is in the countryside of Damascus in which Darya is its pillar and where Duma represents its backyard, so it is the only place for a Saudi influence where the Turkish Janissary bayonets do not guard it, as the situation in the northern of Syria. So the Turks were granted an opportunity to get rid of their Kurdish nightmare after the Kurdish leadership has committed deadly sin by denying its Syrian identity for the account of direct subordination to the Americans, and now it pays its cost, in return the Turks have given the groups of Saudi Arabia, because the place does not have room for two and the time does not allow to wait long.
Saudi Arabia is losing in Najran, Jizan, and Asir, because the news talks about the approaching of the fall of the Yemeni historic provinces at the hands of the army units and the popular committees which approach from the cities. The certified information from there proves that truckloads of Patriot missiles are rushing to nearby lines in anticipation of the next round of war, which the Saudis are behaving on the basis that it accompanies the entry to the cities in the three provinces, and the dominance of the Yemeni army which is opposes Saudi Arabia, along with the popular committees which are advocates of Al Houthis. The problem of Riyadh is that it accepted lately the initiative which is launched by the US Secretary of State John Kerry of Yemeni unified national government as the Yemenis say, because the formulation of Kerry’s plan as a valid framework to cease fire will take longer than the time required for achieving the task of cleansing the provinces of Jizan, Najran ,and Asir by the army and the committees. The Saudis have exhausted all their allies from the Gulf to Sudan, thus they only have one way in front of them  it is the announcement of the get out of the war of Yemen unilaterally under any excuse, in exchange of an implicit understanding of stopping the Yemeni crawling inside the official Saudi borders and the historic Yemeni areas, otherwise the Saudi officials and soldiers who deploy in the provinces of Aden, Taiz, and Marib would hope  to make a  settlement and agreement as the settlement and the agreement of Darya.
The moments of the comprehensive attack seem close in the fronts of Yemen and Syria, after the roles and the lineups have formulated, and after the Americans and the Turks have understood that the bank of victorious is possible and available in two conditions. The first is to cancel the Syrian country, its president, and its army from the list of the dreams of their victories. The second is to take a part in the victory against the enemies of the Syrian country not on its friends, even if they were their friends. This is true according to the Turks in case of Saudi Arabia, Al Nusra front, and Ahrar Al Sham, and it is true according to America in case of Saudi Arabia as well as for the militias which they trained and armed whether Kurdish or Islamic ones. Everyone is aware that, the victory is of course for the intelligent and the powerful, and those who exert their blood generously. But the problem of the American, the Turkish, and the Saudi is that they afraid of exerting blood, all of their cleverness is by employing the stupid to exert the blood on their behalves, while in the axis of the resistance there is the cleverness and the making blood. The ceilings of the victories depend on the degree of cleverness and sacrificing. The Russian Iranian Syrian alliance wins on Turkey and America, but they support them to win on Saudi Arabia, Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and the Kurdish militias. The hierarchy from the cleverest to the lower cleverness is the scene of the Syrian victory. Thus Saudi Arabia and Al-Qaeda will be in the bottom of the pyramid; while there will be a place for the positioning of the Kurdish leadership in a correct place to survive from the accumulation of the stones over the heads.
Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

ستبكون لأجل اتفاق كداريّا

ناصر قنديل
– تُكثر وجوه الفضائيات السعودية من سوريّي الائتلاف وجماعة المفاوضين ومَن يحملون ألقاباً بمسمّى «الجيش الحر» وخبراء ومحللين، من البكاء على اتفاق داريّا، الذي سمح لمجموعة من القتلة بالخروج بأمان إلى منطقة بعيدة هي إدلب، ربما تتجمّع فيها كلّ بقايا الجماعات المسلحة ويبكون فيها طلباً لاتفاق كداريّا، ووفّر لبيئتهم الحاضنة وعائلاتهم أماكن سكن آمن منعاً لأيّ انتقام من مئات الذين فقدوا أعزاءهم من الجنود والضباط على أيديهم. وهذا نادر في حروب كالحرب السورية، وهو ما دفع بوزير الخارجية الروسي سيرغي لافروف الذي رافق ويرافق وراقب ويراقب مسار الحرب، للقول إنّ نموذج داريا جدير بالتعميم، ليس فقط لأنه يرغب برؤية مشاهد سقوط البؤر التي يتجمّع فيها قتلة يحملون زوراً لقب «ثوار»، وهي تعود إلى حضن الدولة السورية، بل تشجيعاً للدولة السورية على متابعة مسار داريا، الذي يخشى لافروف من صعوبة تطبيقه في المراحل المقبلة من الحرب عندما نقترب من مصير إدلب، ولأنّ المتتلفزين يعملون بإمرة صاحب الأمر والمال، فلا قيد على كلامهم، طالما يعلم من وضعهم كوضع داريا معنى كلام لافروف، فيسارعون إلى طلب تكرار المثال عليهم قبل أن تدق الساعة. وهنا ليست الأمثلة المهمة من حي الوعر في حمص ولا من الأحياء الشرقية في حلب، ولا المعضمية بالتأكيد، بل من دوما حيث بدأ التفاوض على تسوية تبدأ بتسليم مئات من الرهائن يحتجزها مسلّحو دوما من أيام مجازرهم في عدرا العمالية، وصولاً إلى تسوية تُنهي القتال.

– الذي يجري أكبر من أن تدركه عقول مسطّحة كعقل ميشيل كيلو، ومَن مثله، فالتوافق قد تمّ على أن تدفع السعودية ثمن حروب المنطقة، وأن تنجو تركيا بجلدها، وبسبب الغباء الذي تصرّفت به القيادة الكردية شمال سورية، ستجعل الخسارة من نصيب قضية الأكراد التي كانت موضع عناية روسية سورية إيرانية، قبل أن يضع قادة الأكراد مصيرهم بيد الأميركيين الذين باعوهم للأتراك. وكلّ جماعات السعودية ستدفع الثمن معها، والفصل بين الإرهاب والمعارضة يتمّ وفق معادلة الفصل بين جماعات السعودية التي تتجمّع في إدلب، وجماعات تركيا الذين يذهبون لقتال داعش، وحجز مقعد مقابل ذلك في جنيف، ومثله في حكومة موحدة في ظلّ رئاسة الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد، بانتظار الانتخابات التي يعلمون أنها ستعود بالرئيس الأسد إلى قصر الرئاسة، والسعودية التي يسقط مشروعها في سورية، بسقوط داريا، لأنه ريف دمشق الذي تشكل داريّا قلبه وعصبه وتشكل دوما حديقته الخلفية، المكان الوحيد لنفوذ سعودي لا تحرسه الحراب الانكشارية التركية، كما هي الحال في شمال سورية، فمنح الأتراك فرصة التخلّص من كابوسهم الكردي، بعدما ارتكبت القيادة الكردية خطيئة مميتة بإنكار سوريتها لحساب تبعية مباشرة للأميركيين، وها هي تدفع ثمنها. وفي المقابل سلّم الأتراك فروة الرأس السعودية، فالمكان لا يتسع لاثنين، ولا الوقت يسمح بالانتظار طويلاً.

– فروة الرأس السعودية يتساقط شعرها في نجران وجيزان وعسير، حيث الأنباء من هناك تتحدّث عن قرب سقوط المحافظات اليمنية التاريخية بيد وحدات الجيش واللجان الشعبية التي باتت على أبواب المدن، والمعلومات المؤكدة من هناك أنّ شاحنات محمّلة بوحدات صواريخ الباتريوت تهرع إلى الخطوط القريبة تحسّباً للجولة المقبلة من الحرب، التي بات يتصرّف السعوديون على قاعدة أنها ستكون مع دخول المدن في المحافظات الثلاث وسيطرة الجيش اليمني المعارض للسعودية ومعه اللجان الشعبية المؤيدة للحوثيين، ومشكلة الرياض أنها قبلت المبادرة التي أطلقها وزير الخارجية الأميركي جون كيري بحكومة وحدة وطنية يمنية، متأخرة كما يقول اليمنيون، لأنّ بلورة خطة كيري كإطار صالح لوقف النار سيستغرق وقتاً أطول من الوقت اللازم لإنجاز الجيش واللجان مهمة تطهير محافظات جيزان ونجران وعسير، وقد استنفد السعوديون كلّ حلفائهم من الخليج إلى السودان، وبقي أمامهم طريق واحد هو إعلان الخروج من حرب اليمن من طرف واحد، بأيّ ذريعة، مقابل تفاهم ضمني على وقف الزحف اليمني داخل الحدود السعودية الرسمية وفي المناطق اليمينة التاريخية، وإلا سيتمنى الضباط والجنود السعوديون المنتشرون في محافظات عدن وتعز ومأرب، تسوية واتفاقاً كتسوية واتفاق داريّا.

المقطع الحربي من قلل الشيباني بعسير الذي أرعب نظام آل سعود واسقط قناة المسيرة من النايلسات

– لحظات الهجوم الشامل تبدو قريبة، في جبهات اليمن وسورية، وقد تبلورت الأدوار، والاصطفافات، وفهم الأميركيون والأتراك أنّ الوقوف على ضفة المنتصرين ممكن ومتاح بشرطين، الأول أن يزيلوا الدولة السورية ورئيسها وجيشها من لائحة أحلام انتصاراتهم. والثاني أن يشاركوا في النصر على أعداء الدولة السورية وليس على أصدقائها، ولو كانوا أصدقاءهم. وهذا يصحّ بالنسبة للأتراك في حال السعودية وجبهة النصرة، وأحرار الشام، ويصحّ أميركياً بالنسبة للسعودية أصلاً وكذلك للميليشيات التي درّبوها وسلّحوها كردية وإسلامية، والكلّ يدرك ذلك، النصر للأذكياء والأقوياء طبعاً، ومَن يبذلون دماءهم بسخاء أصلاً. ومشكلة الأميركي والتركي والسعودي أنهم يخشون بذل الدماء، وكلّ ذكائهم هو بتجنيد أغبياء يبذلون الدم عنهم، بينما يجتمع في محور المقاومة الذكاء وبذل الدماء، وسقوف الانتصارات تتراتب على درجة تراتب الذكاء وبذل الدماء. فالحلف الروسي الإيراني السوري ينتصر على تركيا وأميركا، لكنه يدعهما تنتصران على السعودية والقاعدة وداعش، والميليشيات الكردية. تراتب الأذكى فالأدنى ذكاء هو مشهد النصر السوري ولهذا يقف السعوديون والقاعدة في أسفل الهرم، وتبقى نافذة لتموضع القيادة الكردية في مكان صحيح لتنجو من تراكم ردم الحجارة فوق الرؤوس.
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Wednesday, 31 August 2016

Yemen triumph over Saudi-US destruction machine: ِِ Anis Naqash


US-Saudi War Crimes, Yemen’s Humanitarian Crisis: Civilian Killings, Famine, Refugees. The Western Media’s Remorseless Silence


Global Research, August 30, 2016

Yemen
While the slaughter of Yemenis continues, the world remains silent in response to their screams. Why is that? Has the world lost its senses, especially to feel the sufferings of the tormented? In an alleged effort to defeat the Houthi rebels, a coalition of Arab states led by Saudi Arabia, supported by the United States and the United Kingdom have been bombarding Yemen, already one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world, with air-strikes since March 2015, sending it literally back to the stone-age.
The war has triggered a major humanitarian crisis. Since the air-strikes began,
“food prices [in Yemen] have gone up 60 percent, leaving 14 million people across the country classified as ‘food insecure’ (Yemen’s children die from bombs, bullets, hunger, ABC News, August 23).”
According to figures provided in the New York Times,
“the war has killed more than 6,500 people, displaced more than 2.5 million others and pushed one of the world’s poorest countries from deprivation to devastation (“America Is Complicit in the Carnage in Yemen”, August 17).”
Other reports have shown these figures to be much higher. Meanwhile, the United Nations has blamed the coalition for at least 60 percent of deaths and injuries to children last year, warning along with human rights groups, that the coalition may have been “commissioning international war crimes” (Saudi-led coalition could be committing ‘international crimes’ bombing civilians in Yemen, UN warns, The Independent, March 19).
At a press briefing at the United Nations on June 29, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International revealed that,
“Unlawful air strikes by the Saudi-led coalition have killed and maimed hundreds of children in Yemen and damaged dozens of schools, but the coalition strong-armed the Secretary-General in an attempt to escape scrutiny.” That is, to have Saudi Arabia removed from the UN’s list of shame. The Secretary General Ban Ki-moon himself after being bullied said, “There has been fierce reaction to my decision to temporarily remove the Saudi-led Coalition countries from the report’s annex. This was one of the most painful and difficult decisions I have had to make. The report describes horrors no child should have to face.”
Yet, the media, and especially the western media, continues to keep mum. Why? Well, one explanation may be that because the coalition consists of those allied with the West, the western media does not want to report on the alleged war crimes that they may have committed. Another reason for such deafening silence, however, may be because most of the killings are actually being committed using weapons supplied by the West.
According to the Washington Post, the US has sold the Saudis a total of USD 20 billion in weapons over the last one year. Britain too has sold close to USD 4 billion worth of weapons to the Saudis. The Obama administration, despite aggressively lobbying for greater gun control in the US, “has discreetly brokered and authorised the sale of more arms to foreign governments than any other US president since World War II”, according to Owen B. McCormack. During the first five years of his tenure alone, “new agreements under the Pentagon’s Foreign Military Sales programme — the largest channel for US arms exports — totalled over USD 169 billion,” exceeding the amount authorised during the entire tenure of his predecessor by almost USD 30 billion.
And, of course, the main recipient of American made weapons has been Saudi Arabia — “almost 10 percent of US arms exports” while 9 percent went “to the United Arab Emirates, an ally of Riyadh in the Yemen war (“Such a long silence on Yemen,” The Hindu, August 22).” According to Congressional Research Service, even as early as 2010, the Obama administration authorised the sale of a whopping USD 90.4 billion worth of arms to the Saudis. And according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute,
“arms imports to Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states increased 71 percent from 2005-2009 to 2010-2014, accounting for 54 percent of imports to the Middle East in the latter period. Saudi Arabia rose to become the second largest importer of major weapons worldwide in 2010-2014, increasing the volume of its arms imports four times compared to 2005-2009.”
Not surprisingly, many of these weapons are being used to devastating effect in Yemen according to the likes of Human Rights Watch, Oxfam and Amnesty International, including the British made cluster bombs, even though the weapon was banned in conflict decades ago because of their catastrophic effects on civilians (“British-made cluster bomb found in Yemeni village targeted by Saudi-led coalition”, The Independent, May 23).
And so it goes, with innocent Yemenis being torn to shreds by the most horrific of weapons out there, the Lords of War continue to make windfall profits. Fortunately for them, the media’s silence guarantees that there is no significant pressure to end the supply of weapons to maim and kill a bunch of poor people here and there. After all, how else will the demand for these weapons keep up with their massive supply? As the fictional character in the movie Lord of War, Yuri Orlov said, “where there’s a will, there’s a weapon”. And the “coalition of the willing”, whether it be to go to war in Iraq, or for the destruction of Yemen, have been more than ready to oblige to the will of western arms manufacturers. For the Yemenis, however, the horrors of having these weapons used on them are, unfortunately, very real. As should be our shame for failing to genuinely care for the lives of innocent men, women and children, despite repeatedly saying otherwise, as evident from our remorseless silence in the face of their desperate screams.
Eresh Omar Jamal is Editorial Assistant at The Daily Star, the largest circulating English daily newspaper in Bangladesh. He is also Founder and Deputy Editor of jobanbd.com and can be reached ateresh17@hotmail.com.
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The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

Sunday, 28 August 2016

USA Okay With Surgical Strikes on Yemen Hospitals

By William Boardman | Reader Supported News | August 24, 2016
Nuremberg: “a war of aggression … is the supreme international crime”
Waging genocidal war on a defenseless country was never so baldly and honestly put on any agenda for talks among US secretary of state John Kerry, representatives of Saudi Arabia’s dictatorship, and their mutual allies, even though they are all engaged in an endless genocidal war on Yemen. 
This war is a war of aggression, started by Saudi Arabia in March 2015, with crucial US blessing, participation, personnel, and ordnance. The US has been a willing, guilty partner and enabler in 18 months of military atrocities in a one-sided war that everyone involved knew – or should have known – was a pure war crime based on a paranoid delusion.
American participation in this war of aggression was a war declared by press release from the National Security Council on March 25, 2015, another example of the imperial presidency’s ability to act by fiat without fear of serious objection from the public, the media, or even Congress:
President Obama has authorized the provision of logistical and intelligence support to GCC [Gulf Cooperation Council]-led military operations. [emphasis added]
The fundamental crime in Yemen is waging a war of aggression, which encompasses all the subsequent war crimes including bombing civilians, using cluster bombs, bombing hospitals, bombing food supplies, and trying to starve a population to submission or death. Yemen, with a population of 26 million people, was the poorest country in the region even before it was attacked. What the US supports and sanctions against Yemen makes any US complaint about Russian actions in Crimea sound like howling hypocrisy.
For all that the Saudis frame their war on Yemen as a defense against a threat from Iran, there has never been any credible evidence of any credible threat to Saudi Arabia from any element of the miniscule Iranian presence in Yemen. Yemen is fighting a civil war, a new version of the same old civil war Yemenis have been fighting for decades, both before and after Yemen was two separate countries. The Iran “threat” is the paranoid delusion supposedly justifying a merciless war on a civil population already beset by a four-sided civil war. There is no way that those who decided to wage this war of aggression could not have known the reality in Yemen if they had wanted to know it. Presumably they knew it all full well and chose a war of aggression anyway, recklessly, perhaps even thoughtlessly, but criminally all the same.
The Saudi goal was always to get rid of a longstanding threat on its southwestern border, where the tribal land of the Houthis lay both in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. When the long-oppressed Houthis, a Shia minority in a Sunni world, drove out the Sunni government of Yemen in 2015, the Saudis, without saying in so many words, decided on a course of action that could lead to a final solution. And everyone knew, at the time, and no one objected, according to this account by the highly reliable Andrew Cockburn on Democracy NOW! (whose piece in Harper’s Magazine for September 2016, ironically titled “Acceptable Losses,” provides an excellent exegesis of the war on Yemen, but with a more elegiac tone):
I was told, very early on in the war, Deputy Secretary of State Tony Blinken went to Riyadh to ask the—this is two weeks—yeah, it was two weeks into the war [mid-April 2015], when they had already been bombing away, using the U.S. bombs, U.S.-supplied bombs, using U.S. weapons, killing already dozens, if not certainly, you know, hundreds of civilians, destroying factories. And finally, Blinken turns up in Riyadh and asks, “By the way, what are you trying to accomplish here?” And the Saudis effectively said, or at least the Americans understood them to say, “Well, we basically want to wipe out the Houthis.” Well, they termed it as “end all Iranian influence in Yemen.” So, the Americans—Blinken was a bit shocked by that, so I’m told, and said, “Well, you know, that’s going a bit far. But it’s—you should certainly stop the Houthis taking over the country.” And that, effectively, gave the Saudis carte blanche to continue this kind of mindless carpet bombing….
By 2015, American hands were already bloody with the US drone assassination program that had killed not only innocent civilians, but American citizens, without a trace of due process of law. In effect, already enmeshed in its own nexus of war crimes in Yemen, the US green-lighted the Saudi-led war of aggression that would make American crimes pale by comparison. As American policy over the years would have it, American weapons have been dispersed all over Yemen since 2006.
Kerry to consult on terrorism, but not US or Saudi terrorism
Terror bombing, an example of which is Saudi pilots flying American planes dropping American bombs on defenseless Yemeni civilian targets, is probably not the terrorism Secretary Kerry wants to discuss – ever – with the Saudis and their allies, never mind other weapons suppliers like France and the United Kingdom. As the official State Department notice put it in deadly opaque prose:
Secretary Kerry will travel to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, for a series of meetings with senior Saudi leaders, his counterparts from the Gulf Cooperation Council, the United Kingdom, and the United Nations Special Envoy for Yemen. His discussion will focus on the ongoing conflict in Yemen and efforts to restore peace and stability….
Those “efforts to restore peace and stability” notably include the destruction of two schools, another hospital, and a potato chip factory, along with the associated men, women, and children, especially at the schools. Perhaps the latest great military “victory” achieved by the war criminals known as the Saudi-led coalition is to drive the world’s leading medical crisis-zone organization out of Yemen by targeting its hospitals over and over and over and over since March 2015. Of course, America the Exceptional does not stand for this betrayal of human decency, and our presidential candidates of all parties have railed ceaselessly against this indiscriminate murder of patients, their families, their doctors and other medical personnel, forcing the White House to take action to bring to an end 17 months of aggressive war and other war crimes and crimes against humanity – no, wait, that’s not happening, is it?
Actually, if any presidential candidate of any political party has expressed the slightest objection to the Saudi-coalition’s genocidal war on Yemen, such evidence is so hard to come by that it may as well not exist. (In August 2015,Jill Stein of the Green Party mentioned in passing that the Saudis “are committing war crimes right now in Yemen,” and more recently she called foran end to US funding for Saudi Arabia and Israel because of their violations of human rights laws. She does not tend to make a point of the US support for a war of aggression in Yemen, but she’s better than any other candidate on Yemen.) At this point, a year and a half into our shared war of aggression,every candidate is complicit in this horrendous, unjustified war promoted and pursued with smug disdain for anything like peace by our peace prize winning President Obama. The blood drips from all their hands, their feet, their tongues and eyelashes, but most of all from every pore of our Nobel Laureate in the White House. (As the book Double Down reported in 2012: “Turns out I’m really good at killing people,” Obama said quietly, “Didn’t know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine.”)
With the US at war, Congress has nothing to say about any of it
The US is at war with Yemen, in support of the Saudi-led coalition that launched its undeclared war of aggression on March 26, 2015. US war-making includes, but is not limited to: US intelligence services providing intelligence to the aggressor nations; US military personnel participating in daily target planning and attack assessment; US tanker aircraft re-fueling aggressor nation aircraft bombing Yemen (46,500 acknowledged sorties in the first 11 months of war); US drones targeting and attacking under US control; US military contractors servicing the Saudi F-15s that bomb Yemen; US personnel training Saudi military; US military personnel operating in Yemen; and the US Navy reinforcing the Saudi blockade intent on starving Yemen into submission.
The US Congress has never debated, never authorized US participation in a war of aggression against Yemen. The US president has never asked Congress for such authorization of a war of aggression against Yemen. Neither house of Congress has acted on any bill that directly addresses the war of aggression against Yemen. More than a year after the war started, two Democratic members of Congress (joined by two Republicans) introduced identical bills intended to respond to the war. California congressman Ted Lieu(joined by Florida congressman Ted Yoho) and Connecticut senator Christopher Murphy (joined by Kentucky senator Rand Paul) asked their colleagues to address the horrors of the war (briefly enumerated in the bill), not by ending the war, but only by temporarily limiting US arms sales to Saudi Arabia. That’s it. They did not mention US participation in the war. Both their bills were referred to committee. At the time there was a spotty ceasefire in Yemen while peace talks proceeded in Kuwait (the talks were suspended in early August, leading to the Saudi escalation currently killing more civilians).
Incredibly, this non-response response to war crimes in Yemen has gotten Rep. Lieu some recent positive press coverage, in The Intercept of August 22 and elsewhere, even though his bill is designed to have no immediate impact on the carnage. Rep. Lieu is a colonel in the US Air Force Reserve. When he was on active duty he taught the law of war to other Air Force officers. His interview rhetoric, like most of his public action, is soft-edged even though he knows perfectly well his country is committing war crimes. He almost said as much in an August 15 statement objecting to the Saudi attack on a school in Haydan, Yemen, that killed 10 children:
The indiscriminate civilian killings by Saudi Arabia look like war crimes to me. In this case, children as young as 8 were killed by Saudi Arabian air strikes. By assisting Saudi Arabia, the United States is aiding and abetting what appears to be war crimes in Yemen. The Administration must stop enabling this madness now.[emphasis in original]
Rep. Lieu and others have also objected to the State Department’s certification of another arms sale to Saudi Arabia: this one is $1.15 billion for 153 tanks, hundreds of machine guns, and other war materiel. This is in addition to the record $100 billion in arms sales to the Saudis already made by the Obama administration. The latest arms deal suggested to Rep. Lieu “that the administration is, at best, callously indifferent to the mass amount of civilians dying as a result of the Saudi-led coalition’s bombing.” He did not openly consider whether 153 Abrams Main Battle Tanks and other weaponry might open the way for the air war of aggression to be matched by an escalation of the ground war of aggression as well. Twenty of those new US tanks are specifically designated as replacements for tanks lost in combat, some of them in Yemen. On the other hand, the official State Department notice of the Abrams Tank sale assures Congress: “The proposed sale of this equipment and support will not alter the basic military balance in the region.” That’s hardly reassuring in a region where wars of attrition and military quagmires are killing not only thousands of Yemenis, but Palestinians, Israelis, Lebanese, Syrians, Saudis, Turks, Kurds, Iraqis, Afghans, and god knows who else, more often than not with Made-in-USA weapons and munitions.
The proposed US tank sale has drawn the attention of several NGOs (non-governmental organizations) looking to wash American hands of the war on Yemen by blocking the sale, or at least having a debate about it in Congress.Human Rights Watch (HRW) wrote a letter to Secretary Kerry August 19, with temperate language of concern about several countries, including Yemen. HRW asked Secretary Kerry “to emphasize the potential consequences if Saudi Arabia fails to improve its conduct.” But it did not suggest what those consequences might be in light of the reality that the US has coordinated and condones all Saudi conduct to date. CODEPINK is supporting a petition to support the Congressional letter that urges President Obama to postpone the US tank sale to the Saudis.
Even The New York Times is expressing something shy of anguish over “American complicity” and “carnage” and targets that are not “legitimate” under international law as it supports efforts to block the tank sale in Congress. The Times doesn’t mention that this is the same Congress that in June – supporting a White House request – refused to block the sale of cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia for fear of “stigmatizing” cluster bombs. That’s a reflection of the American version of reality, since cluster bombs are already stigmatized by most countries of the world and using them on civilians, as US-Saudi forces do in Yemen, is widely understood to be a war crime. The solution, according to the Times :
Congress should put the arms sales on hold and President Obamashould quietly inform Riyadh that the United States will withdraw crucial assistance if the Saudis do not stop targeting civilians and agree to negotiate peace.
That can’t happen in the real world, where the president and the Saudis all know they are war criminals and are, like Macbeth, so steeped in blood “that should I wade no more,/Returning were as tedious as go o’er.”
There is no reason to expect any good to come to Yemen until a whole lot more Americans face the reality of their country’s support for a genocidal war of aggression. When enough Americans recognize that, then they will have to do a lot more about it than stop selling tanks to the aggressors. Until then the US-sponsored atrocity of ethnic cleansing in a poverty-stricken country that threatens no one will continue unabated.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!