Uprooted Palestinians are at the heart of the conflict in the M.E Palestinians uprooted by force of arms. Yet faced immense difficulties have survived, kept alive their history and culture, passed keys of family homes in occupied Palestine from one generation to the next.
At least 16 people, including children, killed in Saudi-led strikes in Yemen’s southwestern province of Taiz, a report says, as Saudi Arabia keeps bombing the southern impoverished neighbor in defiance of international calls to end its bloody war.
The deadly aggression occurred on Friday evening, when Saudi-led warplanes targeted a gathering of civilians in Muqbana district of the province, Yemen’s Arabic-language al-Masirah television network reported.
It added that continued presence of the enemy warplanes in the skies of Muqbana and the possibility of other strikes prevented the paramedics to reach the crime scene to exhume the bodies of the victims and attending the wounded.
The airstrikes came as the Saudi-led forces and its mercenaries have escalated their aggression in the western coastal region of Yemen.
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and other key Western powers, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the former Riyadh-backed regime back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement which has been running state affairs in the absence of an effective government in Yemen.
The war has stopped well shy of all of its goals, despite killing tens of thousands of Yemenis and displacing millions more. The war has also taken a heavy toll on the country’s infrastructure, destroying hospitals, schools, and factories.
An all-out blockade was also imposed on Yemen since the onset of the bloody war, pushing Yemen into the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, including by hampering access to aid.
Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s continuous bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
The leader of Yemen’s Ansarullah revolutionary movement Sayyed Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi slammed the Saudi aggression’s brutal crimes in the western coastal city of Hudaydah.
Speaking in a meeting with a delegation of AL-Bayda tribal leaders in the capital Sana’a on Monday evening, Sayyed Al-Houthi warned against seditious conspiracies and divisive attempts by enemies in order to establish their control over Yemen.
“Enemies are seeking to dominate Yemeni people through incitement of sedition and division,” he said. The Yemeni leader further underscored that “Meetings and reunions among people from various walks of life are truly indicative of the level of fraternity, cooperation and understanding within the Yemeni nation. The opportunity is ripe to push for promotion of brotherhood, cooperation and social peace in order to restore security and stability in Al-Bayda province.”
“We want to beef up nationwide peace and resolve lingering disputes… We want the government and the nation to work together in order to provide civil services,” the Ansarullah chief pointed out.
Sayyed al-Houthi also pointed to the anniversary of the expulsion of colonial British forces from Yemen, stressing that November 30 marks a bright page in the history of the Arab nation.
Elsewhere in his remarks, the Ansarullah leader also condemned the execution of ten prisoners by Saudi-sponsored Takfiri militants in Hudaydah, describing it as a “heinous crime” and a blatant violation of international humanitarian law.
According to Abdulqader al-Mortadha, head of the Committee for Prisoners’ Affairs in the Yemeni National Salvation Government, Saudi mercenaries executed the victims on November 13 and dismembered their bodies.
Five of the prisoners were residents of Yemen’s Hudaydah province, while the rest were respectively from the provinces of Hajjah and Mahwit.
The Yemeni forces advanced on the southern gates of the central Marib city, pushing Saudi-backed militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi further back.
According to a report published on Friday by Lebanese al-Akhbar daily, Saudi forces and their mercenaries failed to stop Yemeni soldiers and their allies from making rapid advances on the southern flank of the provincial capital city.
Hadi loyalists have already withdrawn from most of their positions in the eastern and central parts of the Balaqin sub-district over the past two days, despite intense airstrikes carried by Saudi warplanes in their support.
The paper, citing local military and tribal sources, said Yemeni army troops and Popular Committees fighters have made major advances on the western outskirts of Falaj area after establishing control over all heights overlooking the region.
Sources close to pro-Hadi forces said their defeats appear to have been an inside job.
Pro-Hadi Marib governor general Sultan al-Arada expressed his disappointment over the unfolding developments in the province, confirming that the al-Balaq al-Awsat district and surrounding areas in Wadi al-Zannah region had been taken over by the opposite side.
On Thursday, Saudi warplanes conducted more than a dozen air raids against al-Jubah and Sirwah districts in Marib province.
The military aircraft also launched two airstrikes against the Yemeni capital city of Sanaa late on Thursday.
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and other key Western powers, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement.
Having failed to reach its professed goals, the war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.
Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s continuous bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
The media establishment controlled by Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and Western corporate elites is attempting to mislead supporters of the regional resistance and make them turn on the groups they currently support.
As the regional ‘Axis of Resistance’ to Western hegemony in the Middle East advances on multiple fronts, a desperate attempt is being made by Western and Arab reactionary regime media outlets, to portray the alliance, led by Iran, as being on its last legs.
Iran currently leads a successful alliance of forces, including; Ansarallah in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza, the PMU in Iraq, among many others. Although Washington puts on that its primary concern about the Islamic Republic of Iran is its alleged pursuit of nuclear weapons, its regional alliance is what truly bothers policymakers in the US beyond all other considerations. This regional alliance, dubbed the ‘Axis of Resistance’, is what makes Iran an impossible target for war and all attempts to weaken its cross-border presence have been tried and so far failed.
The latest in attempts to dislodge Iran from its allies is in fact coming in the form of media psyops, designed to inflame local tensions in places like Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. In Iraq, as a clear example of such attempts to stir division is the narrative that is pushed by Western, Persian Gulf regime media, that seeks to paint Iraq as shifting away from groups allied with Tehran.
One of the biggest challenges to the US, preventing it from reigning supreme over Iraq, is the Iraqi Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU). After becoming the Iraqi ground force to rid the country of Daesh and Al-Qaeda terrorists, the PMU gained huge credibility for its efforts and later began to focus its attention on expelling the US from their country, especially in the wake of the 2020 drone strikes which killed leading PMU commanders such as Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, along with Iran’s General Qassem Soleimani. A vote in the Iraqi parliament that year did in fact conclude that the US be ordered out by the government in Baghdad.
Whilst the Iraqi parliament once had a large presence of the PMU-aligned Fateh bloc, who were democratically elected by the Iraqi people, this October saw a dramatic decrease in the seats won by the Fateh Alliance; from 48 seats in 2018 to 16 seats in the recent election. This was instantly pounced upon by Western media and their allied media outlets in the Middle East. The election was called to be fraudulent by the likes of Kataeb Hezbollah and Asaeb Ahl Al-Haq, with claims being widely made of UAE interference in the democratic process.
But for the sake of argument, let’s put aside the claims of the PMU – about election rigging – and just look at what the results actually show. The Western and Arab reactionary regimes media-machine are using the dramatic drop in seats to corroborate their claims that Iraqis are shifting politically and are turning on the PMU. On the surface, 16 seats out of a 329-member parliament seem pretty damning, especially when the leading Sadrist movement won 74 seats. However, instead of delving deeper into this issue, the media of the empire stop there, because when you look at the popular votes, their narrative begins to look rather ridiculous. So, yes the PMU lost a large number of seats, but when we compare their popular vote count to that of the leading party, headed by Moqtada al-Sadr, these claims of a massive drop in support for the PMU are debunked entirely. The PMU aligned parties of the Fateh alliance won a total of 470,000 votes, meaning that they actually won the popular vote over the Sadrists who received 450,000 votes. The reason why the seats were lost was not due to a lack of support, in fact, they are the most popular in parliament, instead, it came down to the amendments made to the electoral system in Iraq.
Additionally PMU ally, Nouri al-Maliki, won an astounding victory, this is to go along with other parties who are favorable to the PMU also winning seats. So the narrative that Iran and its allies are losing in Iraq is just a lie.
Then came the attempted assassination of Iraqi Prime Minister, Mustafa al-Kadhimi, earlier this month. Instantly, media outlets belonging to Saudi Arabia, such as al-Hadath, and other media groups operating out of the United Arab Emirates, reported in a way which would make it seem like the PMU were responsible. Although Kataeb Hezbollah and Asaeb Ahl Al-Haq have been widely blamed for the assassination attempt, using three drones to do so, they themselves have denied it and pointed to irregularities indicating an American role in the attack. Most notably, the PM’s residence is based in Baghdad’s US Embassy ‘Greenzone’, which is protected by C-RAM air defense systems and has a relatively effective siren system. It wasn’t until explosions were heard, resulting from the drone attack, that the sirens went into effect and the C-RAM systems were never used to confront the threat.
With the assassination attempt, coupled with the loss of seats for the Fateh Alliance, a stream of stories ranging from Al-Arabiya, to Politico and the Telegraph, began producing pieces on Iran’s alleged weighing influence in Iraq and the fall of support for the PMU. But as we established above, the election example is completely invalid and in the case of the PMU being accused of attempting to assassinate PM Kadhimi, there is no proof. So ultimately there is no proof whatsoever of their claims.
If we then turn to Yemen, the Ansarallah movement is rapidly gaining ground in the northern, resource-rich, Marib area. The advance of the Yemeni resistance against the Saudi-backed forces of Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi has been steady, despite deadly airstrikes from the Saudi coalition. But if you turn to Western media and the media establishment in Saudi Arabia or the UAE, you would be made to believe that Ansarallah isn’t gaining territory at all.
Furthermore, if we take the example of Hezbollah inside of Lebanon, after the mass shooting of unarmed demonstrators by the Lebanese Forces, resulting in the deaths of 7 innocents in mid-October, the group could have easily been dragged into civil war. The situation could have been very different, but Hezbollah kept the peace and despite the severe economic crisis in Lebanon, the resistance group has not buckled under the pressure. Instead of reacting irrationally, Hezbollah has provided co-ops for the Lebanese people and has brought in fuel, whilst making it very clear to the groups’ enemies that they are ready to defend themselves.
After liberating most of southern Lebanon from the Zionist army in 2000, later defeating the occupation’s military in 2006, Hezbollah has only grown in its strength and according to its Secretary-General, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, now possesses a military structure of over 100,000 fully trained and armed men.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Regimes have recently attempted to squeeze Lebanon, by cutting off diplomatic ties and trade, over a comment made by Lebanon’s Minister of Information, George Kordahi, prior to him assuming office. With this, Gulf Regimes have used their media to coordinate a dis-information war against Hezbollah, after failing all other attempts to weaken it domestically.
Saudi Arabia’s broadcaster al-Hadath, owned by al-Arabiya, has also been producing outrageous propaganda, claiming that the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has kicked out the Iranian Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) Commander, Javad Ghaffari, for so-called violations of Syrian sovereignty, in order to sow division between supporters of the two-sides. Yet, Javad Ghaffari was rotated weeks prior to the claims of Saudi media and it was said to have been an Iranian decision.
In all, the media establishment controlled by Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and Western corporate elites is attempting to mislead supporters of the regional resistance and make them turn on the groups they currently support. This is simply a last-ditch attempt to attack the Axis of Resistance after a long-term failed campaign, which has only damaged the civilian populations residing in the countries of the resistance, whereas the parties and armed groups maintain their power.
The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.
Marib, the ancient capital of Sheba, referred to in both the Bible and the Holy Quran as a wealthy and wise kingdom, once ruled across the entire southern Arabian peninsula.
Today, Marib has risen again, this time as the final stronghold of Yemen’s latest invaders, now in panicked retreat after a six-year battle that has depleted their coffers and exhausted their forces.
This war was announced from Washington on 26 March 2015 and led by Saudi Arabia in support of the overthrown government of Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, a regime that had already lost the capital city of Sanaa to Yemen’s Ansarallah (Houthis) movement a few months prior.
A coalition of 10 countries, including pack leaders Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was formed to force the return of his highly unpopular government. The name Operation Decisive Storm was chosen and the air strikes began.
Ansarallah were assessed as being weak and the operation was expected to last no more than a few weeks or months, at the most.
Instead, Ansarallah prevailed, forcing its Saudi and Emirati foes to insert ground troops into the expanding quagmire and divide their roles in Yemen.
Today, the UAE is present mainly in the country’s south controlling its strategic ports and islands, while the Saudis remain in the north, along their extensive northern border with Yemen, in the east, where the province of Marib and its rich oil and gas fields are located, and in the west, in the coastal city of Hodeidah.
For Yemenis, the importance of Marib is not limited to its oil and gas fields, but also for its ancient culture, its inclusion in the holy Quran, and its significant historical sites and water engineering feats, such as the ancient Marib dam built around the 8th century BC. A new dam, the country’s largest, was later built near the cherished ruins of the old one.
Saudi Arabia acknowledged Marib’s importance by making it the stronghold for its war operations, building military bases and bribing local tribes to fight alongside the coalition. Most of Riyadh’s military and intelligence operations – excluding air strikes – were launched from Marib against the northern Houthi-controlled Sanaa city and province.
Ansarallah endured these onslaughts for three years, then flipped the war on its adversaries in 2018 by going on the offensive. Since then, the group has expanded its territorial gains significantly, destabilized Saudi Arabia’s own borders, and exponentially advanced its military tactics and capabilities in drone and missile technology.
These startling gains forced the coalition to the negotiating table in 2018 to sign the Hodeidah Agreement. The agreement was a boon for Ansarallah from a military perspective, first and foremost. Hodeidah and its Red Sea port are west of Sanaa, and the negotiated ceasefire would help Ansarallah turn its focus on only two fronts now, the east (Marib) and the south.
But the agreement also had humanitarian benefits for a country besieged by land, sea, and air by coalition forces since the war’s onset. With goods now entering the port, fresh access to medicine, fuel and food reduced the crisis in territories controlled by Ansarallah.
In 2019, Ansarallah marched eastward, increasing their defence operations inside Saudi Arabia, and targeting the capital city of Riyadh, airports, and Aramco facilities in retaliation for Saudi airstrikes. The UAE was also threatened when drone activity caused a brief closure of Dubai airport.
The UAE’s very existence depends on the security of Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Understanding that they were one ballistic missile away from an existential disaster, the Emiratis withdrew from Marib leaving the Saudis to their own devices, and headed south. The ten-nation coalition had now dwindled to two, neither of whom were fighting alongside the other.
For Sanaa, access to oil is a higher priority than access to ports, hence Ansarallah’s decision to first push eastward, where Marib lies. Although the reverse would have been easier – at 17,000 km², Marib requires a huge military presence, while Hodeidah port and its surrounding areas are less than 1,000 km² – the Yemeni rebels chose the harder, more dangerous fight first.
Today, the complete liberation of Marib is imminent. Of its 14 districts, 13 are now back in Yemeni hands, with only Marib city and the oil fields remaining, alongside one major Saudi military base (Sahen Jin).
Marib’s liberation will be an unprecedented victory for Ansarallah that will place Sanaa back firmly on the world map. Aside from the huge morale boost for the Houthi rebels, Ansarallah will gain control of Yemen’s vital water and oil resources and bring relief for the capital’s civilians. Despite the fact that areas controlled by the group enjoy more financial stability ($1 = 600 Yemeni Rials versus 1,480 Rials in areas outside their control) the war has impoverished Sanaa.
Marib’s liberation will also mean that Ansarallah will govern around 80 percent of the Yemeni population of 30 million, secure its eastern front, and make a move on Hodeidah where remaining coalition forces are based.
After the liberation of Hodeidah and Marib, Saudi Arabia will lose its boots on the ground in Yemen, but will it retreat and accept defeat?
Will Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman – also his country’s minister of defense – who spearheaded the war against Yemen, accept this fait accompli? Will Saudi Arabia continue bombing Yemen for another six years?
With so many unexpected victories under its belt, Ansarallah is now in a position to direct these Saudi decisions. Already this year, the Yemeni rebels have bombed Aramco and Saudi airports in retaliation for airstrikes in Sanaa. Riyadh clearly understands the correlation – bombing Sanaa means Aramco will get hit – and so although the war is still fiercely being played out, important deterrences have been established.
In September, during the approach toward Marib, Ansarallah leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi said: “We will liberate the entirety of our country and recover all regions occupied by the Saudi-led aggression.”
After the fall of Marib, Saudi Arabia will never be the same. Having expended all its chips and a vast fortune on bringing the Houthis to heel, Riyadh’s influence in the Arab and Muslim world are set to decline.
Through proxies and large financial donations, the Saudis have historically managed Muslim communities and dictated the policies of entire states. But in an actual direct war, led by one of the world’s wealthiest nations against one of its poorest, the Saudis lost resoundingly.
After the fall of Marib, the UAE’s position is less clear, but it will ultimately face one of two choices: either surrender to Ansarallah’s demands or face reprisals inside Dubai and Abu Dhabi.
Yemen has vast mineral reserves of zinc, silver, nickel, gold, copper and cobalt as well as oil and gas fields, resources that the Saudis have not allowed successive Yemeni rulers to exploit, develop or monetize since 1934.
Yemen was then (arguably still is) considered a Saudi backwater, and Riyadh’s policy toward its southern neighbor was entirely driven by the kingdom’s founder, Abdul Aziz Al Saud, who declared in an infamous quote:
“the honor of Saudis is in the humiliation of Yemen, and their (Saudi) humiliation is in the glory of Yemen.”
These words had monumental significance: the guiding principle for all future Saudi monarchs would be to subjugate Yemen at all cost, or the price would be existential.
With Ansarallah in charge, reverberations will be felt across West Asia – not least because Yemenis still consider the Saudi provinces of Jizan and Najran to be part of Yemen.
Yemen is often referred to as the ‘birthplace of Arabs,’ with numerous tribes stretching across the Arabian peninsula to Iraq tracing their origins back to Yemen.
At the other end of the Arabian peninsula, Ansarallah will also be controlling the strait of Bab al Mandab which leads directly to the straits of Suez. This gives them geopolitical and geoeconomic clout over Egypt, historically the ‘mother’ of the Arab world, and a country which itself has launched a failed war against Yemen.
Ansarallah controlling access to the Suez Canal will be a nightmare for the Israelis – Tel Aviv and Zionism are the mortal enemy of the Houthis, and no ship heading for Israel will be allowed to cross this strait.
China and Iran will be big winners in the ensuing geopolitical shuffle. Iran will gain its first diehard ally in the Arabian Peninsula – one that has oil, produces its own weapons, and can defend itself without costing Tehran money, manpower or resources.
Yemen’s geography is of strategic importance to China too: its southwestern part faces the east coast of Africa, and with the Bab al Mandab strait, Yemen has more than 10 major ports on the Indian ocean, and through the Red Sea to the Mediterranean.
It is the closest West Asian nation to the Horn of Africa, where China has its only overseas military base in Djibouti, and where it has built roads and railways connecting the latter to Ethiopia.
With the US, UK and western countries in general having supported the aggression against the Yemeni people, Ansarallah is more likely to choose to align with China, Iran, and other unaligned nations.
Reports indicate that Saudi Arabia spent well over $300 billion on its war on Yemen. Six years later, it is on the verge of being soundly defeated, with only Marib blocking that path. Marib is the city that will soon dictate the terms that end this war, and perhaps the end of Saudi power projection as we know it.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.Author
«في خضم «معارك الأيام العشرة» في يوليو 1948: قال ديفيد بن غوريون: يجب أن تنتهي الحرب بمثل هذا القصف لدمشق وبيروت والقاهرة، حتى لا يعود لديهم أي رغبة في تحدّينا [في] الحرب وصنع السلام معنا. وأوضح أنه يجب أن نكتسب قلب العرب، وبطريقة واحدة فقط يمكننا تعليمهم احترامنا. إذا لم نقصف القاهرة فسيعتقدون أن بإمكانهم نسف تل أبيب».
(من محضر اجتماع 11 يوليو 1948، المحفوظ في أرشيف الكيان الإسرائيلي، دولة بأي ثمن – قصة حياة ديفيد بن غوريون، 2018, p.416).
قبلت إسرائيل بقواعد اللعبة مع حزب الله في لبنان. لا عمليات عسكرية أو حتى أمنية تؤدي إلى سقوط عناصر أو كوادر من الحزب. وقررت، بناء على ذلك، الطلب إلى أجهزتها العملانية، الاستخباراتية والتنفيذية، ابتداع وسائل تتيح لها تحقيق المطلوب من دون ترك أثر. لكنها أعطت نفسها حق القيام بما هو أكثر في ساحات أخرى. لدى العدو وحدة مستقلة تعمل على حزب الله. تطارده في لبنان وخارجه. في كل ساحة، تضع إسرائيل تصوراً خاصاً لمواجهة الحزب. وغالباً، يبرر العدو أعماله بـ«الإجراء الوقائي» لاعتقاد قيادة العدو بأن الحزب يسعى إلى إيقاع الضرر بإسرائيل، إما انتقاماً لعمليات اغتيال أو كرد على رسائل لا يعرف الجمهور الكثير عنها.
في سوريا والعراق ومناطق أخرى، يركز العدو على عمل أكثر مباشرة، لأن الخطر بالنسبة إليه في لبنان، يتعلق بعملية لوجستية – أمنية – عسكرية. بمعنى أدق، يسعى العدو إلى توجيه ضربات مباشرة للحزب في مجال تعزيز قدراته العسكرية ولا سيما الصاروخية منها. والتعديل الذي قبلت به إسرائيل، في سوريا كما في العراق، هو أنها ملزمة بعمليات «نظيفة». أي أن على قواتها تجنب التعرض لعناصر المقاومة أو كوادرها خلال أي عمل أمني أو عسكري. لذلك، يعمد العدو في حالات كثيرة إلى إبلاغ الروس مسبقاً أنه في صدد توجيه ضربة جوية إلى هذا الموقع أو تلك الآلية، ليتولى الروس إبلاغ السوريين أو الإيرانيين، أو حتى حزب الله مباشرة، لتجنّب وقوع خسائر بشرية. وفي حالات أخرى، يوجّه العدو طلقات تحذيرية لدفع عناصر الحزب إلى مغادرة مركز أو عربة قبل ضربها بقليل. ووصل الأمر في بعض الحالات إلى إيجاد وسائل اتصال تقني تتيح له الطلب من عناصر الحزب مغادرة نقطة معيّنة لأنها ستتعرض للضرب.
لكن، في كلا الحالتين، لا يمكن للعدو الوقوف مكتوف الأيدي إزاء ما يسميه «برنامج تعاظم القدرات لدى حزب الله»، كما هي الحال مع قوات الحرس الثوري الإيراني أو فصائل المقاومة العراقية في سوريا أو العراق، لأن لدى العدو برنامجاً آخر اسمه «منع تمركز إيران في المناطق القريبة». والعدو، هنا، يجبر نفسه على خيارات عملانية من النوع الصعب والمعقّد، بما في ذلك القيام بعمليات أمنية بالغة الحساسية خلف خطوط العدو لتوجيه ضربات مباشرة، نوعية أو وهمية. لكنه يقوم بما يريد من خلال إبلاغ إيران وحلفائها في المنطقة بأن إسرائيل لن تقف متفرجة على ما يحصل بالقرب منها.
إسرائيل تدعم الفتنة الداخلية لعجزها عن حرب واسعة والمقاومة ترفض الفتنة لكنها لن تكبّل نفسها بالصمت والموت
وإذا كان لدى العدو برنامج عمل يستهدف فقط ضرب المقاومة في لبنان أو سوريا أو العراق، أو حتى إيران، فإنه ينظر بقلق إلى تطورين بارزين في السنوات الأخيرة. الأول يتصل بواقع المقاومة في فلسطين وخصوصاً بعد معركة «سيف القدس» وتطور علاقة المقاومة في فلسطين مع محور المقاومة الذي تقوده إيران ويفعّله حزب الله. والثاني يتعلق بما يجري في اليمن. إذ يتصرف العدو بأن ما يحصل في هذا البلد ليس سوى عملية بناء لقدرات صار مضطراً لأن يضعها في الحسبان، ليس لكونها في يد قوة معادية فقط، بل لكون هذه القوة تعلن جهاراً أنها جزء من معركة تحرير فلسطين. أضف إلى ذلك أن العدو يعرف معنى أن يتحول اليمن قاعدة متماسكة في قلب محور المقاومة. وهو اكتشف، خلال مواجهة «سيف القدس»، أن «أنصار الله» في اليمن، اتخذوا خطوات عملانية وأبدوا استعداداً للدخول في الحرب متى اقتضى الأمر. ورصدت استخبارات العدو اتصالات بين فصائل المقاومة في لبنان وفلسطين وبين «أنصار الله» تضمّنت معطيات يدرك العدو أن فيها ما يؤذيه في ما لو دخل اليمنيون في الحرب. ولذلك، اضطر، للمرة الأولى منذ عقود طويلة، إلى إعادة تفعيل قيادة الجبهة الجنوبية التي أقفلت منذ الاتفاق مع مصر والأردن.
عملياً، ليس بيد العدو اليوم سوى النظر في وسائل محاصرة المقاومة في لبنان وبقية المواقع. صحيح أن جيش الاحتلال لا يتوقف عن التدريب على حرب واسعة تشمل جبهات عدة، لكنه يتصرف بحذر شديد مع الجبهة الشمالية، وهو يعي تماماً أن قدرات المقاومة في لبنان أو سوريا أو حتى العراق ليست من النوع الذي يقارن بما هو موجود في قطاع غزة. كما أن الهشاشة التي ظهرت بها جبهته الداخلية جراء تساقط صواريخ المقاومة الفلسطينية في أيار الماضي، تشي بمخاطر لا قدرة له على ضبط نتائجها ولا حدودها، فكيف وهو مضطر لأن يتصرف على قاعدة أن المقاومة في لبنان يمكنها ليس فقط إطلاق الصواريخ بطرق مختلفة، بل استخدام أنواع من الأسلحة الفتاكة على أكثر من صعيد، إضافة إلى احتمال قيام المقاومة بعمل هجومي يستهدف السيطرة على مناطق في الجليل الأعلى، وهو ما لم يكن يعتقد بأنه سيأتي يوم يضطر للتعامل مع هذا الأمر كاحتمال حقيقي، وهذا ما يوجب على العدو اللجوء إلى وسائل أخرى في مواجهة المقاومة في قلب لبنان.
في هذا السياق، ينبغي النظر إلى جانب من الأزمة اللبنانية. صحيح أن المشكلة هنا لا تتعلق حصراً بالمساعي الإسرائيلية، وأن اللبنانيين عموماً، وبينهم حلفاء للمقاومة، يتحملون مسؤولية الخراب الداخلي. لكن ما يجب عدم التغافل عنه، ولو رفض لبنانيون ذلك، هو أن سعي مجموعات لبنانية، بدعم من دول عربية وجهات غربية، لأن يكون ملف المقاومة هو عنوان المواجهة الداخلية، لا يمكن عزله عن المشروع الإسرائيلي. ولا ضير هنا من اتهام هذه المجموعات بأنها تقوم بعمل يخدم فعلياً العدو، ويجب قول هذا الكلام صراحة حتى ولو اعتبره البعض اتهاماً له بالخيانة، علماً أن «لاجئي الإمارات» من اللبنانيين توقفوا عن الخداع والمداراة وصاروا يتحدثون علناً عن «خطأ عدم اللحاق بركب السلام مع إسرائيل».
وفق هذا المنطق، يجب النظر إلى المرحلة الجديدة من المواجهة الداخلية القائمة، سواء في ما خص عمل الحكومات أو الانتخابات النيابية أو السياسات الاقتصادية والمالية، وصولاً إلى العلاقات الخارجية للبنان. والجديد هنا، أنه مثلما لا يهتم الأميركيون والغربيون وبعض العرب بالعمل في وضح النهار ضد المقاومة، مستفيدين من وجود مرتزقة لبنانيين يطلقون على أنفسهم ألقاباً تحت مسمى السياديين، فإن على هؤلاء الأخذ في الاعتبار أن المقاومة باتت مضطرة للتشهير بهم علناً، وأن هذا التشهير لا يمكن وضعه في خانة التحضير لعمل أكبر، لكنه إجراء بديهي وعادي إزاء من يعمل على تهيئة المناخ لحروب أهلية جديدة في لبنان. ومثلما تتمسك المقاومة بخيارها تحمل الضغوط وعدم الانجرار إلى حرب أهلية، فهي تتمسك بحقها في الدفاع عن نفسها في مواجهة هذه المجموعات ومشغّليها بمعزل عن طبيعتها وعناوينها وحجمها وطريقة عملها.
لبنان اليوم مقبل على مستوى جديد من المواجهة. وإذا كان بيننا من يستعد لمغامرات متجاهلاً حقائق التاريخ، فإن بيننا أيضاً من يهتم للحفاظ على مكتسبات معارك التحرير في الجنوب وسوريا وحتى الداخل. وهذا الاهتمام بات يوجب علينا، في لحظة الحسم، الاستعداد للمنازلة الكبرى مع هؤلاء، بقسوة لا تقودنا حتماً إلى المواجهة التي يريدون. إنها لعبة تتطلب، إلى جانب الهدوء والصبر، الكثير من الحكمة والذكاء والفعالية، وهي عناصر خبرناها مرات ومرات عند المقاومة وجمهورها خلال أربعة عقود، ولا نزال.
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