Showing posts with label Lebanese Judicial Council. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lebanese Judicial Council. Show all posts

Sunday, 17 October 2021

International Standards for Judiciaries: Bitar and the Departure from the Norm

International Standards for Judiciaries: Bitar and the Departure from the Norm

By Dr. Ali Matar

Aristotle once said that “justice is achieving equality in exchange for injustice.” Justice is not about attribution or double standards. This premise alone raises many questions about the work of judicial investigator, Judge Tarek Bitar, on the Beirut Port blast case.

There are many question marks surrounding his discretion and double standards throughout the investigation. This fueled divisions among the Lebanese public over his role.

One of the broader questions about Bitar and his work is: where is justice in this entire investigation? And why is the judge working in a way that violates the fair trial guarantees by the constitution as well as local and international laws mentioned in several international treaties. Major countries often adopt these treaties as slogans but unfortunately do not put them into practice but use them as tools to confront opponents and enemies.

There is no doubt that those accused of a crime face the machinery of the state when they appear before a judge. Therefore, the way in which he is treated when he is accused of committing a crime precisely indicates the extent to which that state respects the human rights of the individual and the rule of law. Each criminal trial testifies to the state’s commitment to respecting human rights. And according to the rank of the accused and his job, political, and social status, a discussion begins about the extent of the integrity of the judiciary and the extent to which the investigation is politicized for local, regional, or international purposes.

International treaties related to fair trials stipulate that every government has the obligation to bring those responsible for committing crimes to justice before independent, impartial, and competent courts, in a manner that respects international standards of impartiality. By extension this applies to any trial over the Beirut Port. However, whatever the crime, it does not serve justice, whether for the accused, the victims, or the public in general, when unfair practices taint such trials.

It is known internationally and locally that the principles of a fair trial are based on the rejection of arbitrary and unfair procedures that undermine the concepts of freedom and justice. International treaties have focused on guarantees of prevention of arbitrary arrest and the very slow pace of trial. The requirements for a fair trial are outlined in Articles 7, 9, 10, 11 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil Rights, and in regional and local laws, where all people are equal before the law and have the right to enjoy equal protection from it without any discrimination.

Rules and guidelines on the role of prosecutors, basic principles on the role of lawyers and the statutes of the International Criminal Court, the International Tribunal for Rwanda, and the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia can be seen in Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Article 8 of the American Convention on Human Rights, and Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights has approved several articles that emphasize fair trials and impartiality of the judiciary, most notably Article 7 which says that all people are equal before the law, they are equal in the right to enjoy the protection of the law without discrimination, and they are equal in the right to protection from any discrimination that violates this declaration and any incitement to such discrimination.

Most importantly, Article 10 of the Declaration states that everyone has the right, on full equality with others, to have his case heard by an independent and impartial court, in a fair and public manner, to adjudicate his rights and obligations and any criminal charge against him.

Therefore, the accused party in Lebanon has the right to have his accusation heard before a fair judge, especially since the case has political dimensions. Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights affirms that all people are equal before the judiciary and that every person convicted of a crime has the right, in accordance with the law, to appear before a higher court in order to appeal his conviction and the sentence handed down to him.

The consistency of local professional standards related to the judiciary with relevant international standards, including the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct that identify six core values of the judiciary: independence, impartiality, integrity, propriety, equality, competence, and diligence. They are intended to establish standards of ethical conduct for judges to ensure independence and accountability.

These standards are designed to be applied to all judicial systems in the world, taking into account the enormous diversity of legal procedures. They also establish the minimum guarantees that should be provided by all systems to ensure justice and respect for the rule of law and respect for the right to fair criminal prosecution. These guarantees apply to investigations and to procedures for arrest and detention, as well as to all pre-trial procedures, proceedings during trial, when sentencing and appeals are issued, and when penalties are handed down. These international fair trial standards represent an international consensus on mandatory standards for assessing the way governments treat those suspected of and charged with crimes.

The foregoing is consistent with what was adopted by the Lebanese Ministry of Justice in 2005 on the Basic Rules of Judicial Ethics (the Judicial Ethics Rules), with the approval of the High Judicial Council and the State Consultative Council (Shura Council). The rules of judicial ethics were prepared by a committee involving the first president of the Court of Cassation – the head of the High Judicial Council, the head of the State Consultative Council, the First Honorary President of the Court of Cassation, and the Honorary President of the Judicial Inspectorate.

What is happening in Judge Bitar’s dossier confirms the double standards used by the international community in applying international law and disregarding international treaties for the sake of political interests.

Judge Bitar’s order has become suspicious, especially since there is a very large group of Lebanese people who reject his work, and therefore, it is not possible to continue and insist on Bitar’s survival or on the continuation of his work. What value does it have if it leads to rulings that do not represent the people?

Just as the judicial authority does not meet the criteria outlined above, it is better for the High Judicial Council to suspend and dismiss its work so that this act does not lead to a rift among the Lebanese. What’s more, and in connection with the foregoing, the international community represented by Washington, which covers and protects Bitar, must stop applying double standards to further its political interests in this case.


River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

Martyrs of ’Lebanese Forces’ Ambush Laid to Rest, It’s Now the State’s Responsibility to Punish the Killers

Martyrs of ’Lebanese Forces’ Ambush Laid to Rest, It’s Now the State’s Responsibility to Punish the Killers

By Mohammad Youssef

The Lebanese Forces party led by Samir Geagea has cold-bloodedly perpetrated a criminal massacre Thursday at Tayyouneh roundabout; when its snipers, located on rooftops, and on purpose, targeted unarmed civilians who were peacefully marching in a demonstration to the palace of justice in Mathaf area.

The horrendous crime took place as the assistant US Secretary of State, Victoria Neuland, has started its visit to Lebanon. The scenes of premeditated killing were being seen as cameras lenses of many TV channels were covering the events. The assassin killers are known by their names.

As such, the judiciary should give its directives to arrest them and bring them before the judiciary to sue them and enact justice.

Given the nature of the crime and its perpetrators from the Lebanese Forces; it is no surprise to anyone whether enemy or friend, as the group is notorious for its recorded and documented history of unending crimes.

Whenever Geagea and his thugs are mentioned there abruptly jumps a litany of massacres against the Lebanese, Syrians and Palestinians.

Geagea thugs have assassinated Tony Franjiyeh and his family, Danny Shamoun and his family, and former Prime Minister Rashid Karami. They killed scores of Lebanese army officers. They are also responsible for the massacre of Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, which resulted in the killing of three thousands of Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese. 

All of the aforementioned facts represent a segment of what this party did and continues to do.

The perpetrated crime could have led simply to a civil war; but the wise leadership of both Amal Movement and Hezbollah contained the tragedy and exercised a high level of self-restraint and discipline. The followers and partisans of the two parties followed their leadership directives and exercised patience and awareness to avoid any exacerbation of the situation.

All of this happened against the backdrop of political escalation due to the legal violations of Judge Tareq Bitar who is being used as a tool in the hands of a foreign conspiracy.

The aforementioned judge who lacks wisdom or any sense of sound evaluation is working in complete detachment from reality and serving an agenda that could lead to a catastrophe as has been warned by many Lebanese leaders.

Several alarming warnings have been issued about the judge’s violations and his sinister agenda, yet the judiciary has never done anything or taken any measure to correct the situation. Had this been done, it would have saved the many dear lives and the blood that have been lost.

Now as we have reached here, the whole country is at a very sensitive political and security juncture!

The right thing to be done could be envisaged as the following:

– The issue should be forwarded and handled by the highest judiciary authority represented by the Council of Justice.

– The security forces should arrest the criminals as their names are well known to many of the official security apparatuses, where they should be questioned and sued to enact the justice.

– If the Lebanese Forces party leadership, namely Samir Geagea, was proven involved, then he should be equally arrested, questioned and once he is proven guilty he should be sent back to prison, and the party should be put into embargo.

This is what the Lebanese expect from the official bodies, be it Mikati government, the Lebanese army intelligence, or the judiciary.

Dictations and warnings by the US embassy should not be a hindrance or an obstacle to do this.

Our Lebanese domestic interests and our civil peace should be a priority that supersedes any other priority.

Let us hope this is going to be translated soon in reality, because if it was not, then the whole country is going to witness a new political chapter that could be worse than all expectations!


River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

Wednesday, 7 August 2019

U.S. Embassy in Lebanon Violates Diplomatic Norms, Issues Statement on Local Incident



August 7, 2019
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In a blatant interference in Lebanon’s local politics, the US embassy in Beirut issued on Wednesday a statement on Qabrshmoun incident.
“The United States supports fair and transparent judicial review without any political interference. Any attempt to use the tragic June 30 event in Qabrshmoun to advance political objectives should be rejected. The US has conveyed in clear terms to Lebanese authorities our expectation that they will handle this matter in a way that achieves justice without politically motivated inflammation of sectarian or communal tensions,” the statement read.
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Monday, 29 July 2019

ضمّ الشويفات إلى قبرشمون نحو المجلس العدلي



يوليو 26, 2019

ناصر قنديل

– طرح رئيس الحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي وليد جنبلاط ما وصفه بالمبادرة الجديدة عبر الموافقة على إحالة حادثة قبرشمون إلى المجلس العدلي شرط ضم حادثة الشويفات إليها. ومن الزاوية المجردة يبدو العرض منطقياً، فدعاة المجلس العدلي يأخذون عليه رفضه كقرينة على وجود ما يخشاه، وهو يقول إن رفضتم فلديكم إذن ما تخشونه، وإن قالوا إن الرفض عائد لعدم تماثل الحادثتين، قال لهم إذن هناك دماء أغلى من دماء فيسقطهم في حفرة الشويفات الشعبيّة والاستهانة بدم ابنها الذي سقط في الحادثة، بينما الذي يريده جنبلاط هو أبعد من ذلك وهو فعلاً لم يطرح عرضه الجديد لاستخدام رفضه من الغير في الترسمل السياسي، بل ليستخدم الموافقة إن تمّت، في القول إن حادثة قبرشمون هي مجرد حادثة، أو اشتباك مسلح كما هي حادثة الشويفات، وليست اعتداءً على أمن الدولة ولا تعريضاً للسلم الأهلي بالخطر، كما هو القصد الأصلي من طلب الإحالة إلى المجلس العدلي، ويكفي الربط في الإحالة المزدوجة لإسقاط هذا المقصد.

– يعلم جنبلاط أنه لو كان صحيحاً ما يقوله عن أن المجلس العدلي مؤامرة تستهدفه لوجب القبول بعرضه الجديد، مثلما وجب السؤال لماذا يضع المجلس العدلي حلاً في مبادرته الجديدة، وأين أصبح مشروع سورية وحزب الله باستهدافه عبر المجلس العدلي، كما قال بجعل قبرشمون سيدة نجاة جديدة. والمقصود الحادثة التي انتهت بحل حزب القوات ودخول رئيس الحزب إلى السجن، أليس الطبيعي لو كانت هناك مؤامرة ألا تعطله إحالة حادثة الشويفات التي سيتمّ عندها تعيين محقق عدلي خاص لها، مختلف عن المحقق العدلي الخاص بقبرشمون، وبعد الإحالة ستسلك كل منهما طريقاً مختلفاً، فكيف تبددت المخاوف الجنبلاطية من المؤامرة فجأة وصار الحل بالإحالة، بدلاً من أن تكون الإحالة كما قال أصلاً، هي المشكلة؟

– طلب الإحالة المزدوجة يكشف أمرين، الأول أن الحديث عن مؤامرة وراء المطالبة بالإحالة مفتعل بهدف الضغط السياسي وتعطيل المسار القضائي بعد حادثة كادت تذهب بالبلد إلى كارثة، والربط بينها وبين حادثة تسلك مساراً سياسياً وقضائياً يعرف جنبلاط أنه في طريق النهاية وخواتيمه الأخيرة، يجب أن يشكل مصدر راحة للمعنيين بها طالما أنهم جزء من مؤامرة فيجعلونها مزدوجة بالإحالتين، حيث يمكن البدء بالتحقيق في حادثة الشويفات من الصفر بمجرد الإحالة الجديدة أسوة بقبرشمون، ويمكن عندها للمؤامرة بلوغ نتيجة مزدوجة بالاستهداف، طالما هي مؤامرة، ولو كانت كذلك لما وافق أن يذهب إليها بقدمين بعدما كان اتهامه للغير أنهم يأخدونه إليها بقدم واحدة، أما الأمر الثاني فهو أن جنبلاط بالربط ينسف كل الرواية الاشتراكية السابقة عما جرى في قبرشمون بتوصيفه ردّ فعل على كلام الوزير جبران باسيل، ليقول بالربط ضمناً أنه ردّ على الشويفات، فينقل ما جرى من دائرة الوقوع العفوي رداً على ما حدث قبل ساعات عبر كلام باسيل، إلى دائرة التخطيط رداً على ما حدث قبل سنة ونصف تقريباً في الشويفات، وينقله من دائرة الاستهداف بالصدفة للوزير صالح الغريب إلى الاستهداف العمد.

– كل هذا يعني أن تهرب مجلس الوزراء من مناقشة قضية ما جرى في الشويفات كحدث وقع في قلب زمن ولاية الحكومة، قبل أسابيع، والتذرّع بالحاجة للتوافق المسبق على الحل لمناقشة الحادثة، هو الذي يعطل الحكومة، لأن التوافق يعني منح طرفي القضية حق الفيتو ودعوتهما لتسوية النزاع بينهما سياسياً من باب التوافق على الحل، وهذا يعني شيئاً واحداً، هو جعل المسار القضائي مجرد ستارة لتظهير التفاهمات السياسية بأحكام قضائية، ويبدو أن هذا هدف يستحق أن يبقى لأجله مجلس الوزراء معطلاً، لأن الإحالة إلى المجلس العدلي بدون الاتفاق سلفاً على الأحكام وأسماء المتهمين سابقة تفسد السلم الأهلي أكثر من حادثة قبرشمون. فالسلم الأهلي قائم على كونفدرالية طوائف وليس على دولة القانون، وحادثة قبرشمون تعزز هذه الكونفدرالية، بينما الاحتكام إلى القضاء يضعفها، ويعزّز دولة القانون، وأهل الحل والربط متفقون على حماية الكونفدرالية.


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