Uprooted Palestinians are at the heart of the conflict in the M.E Palestinians uprooted by force of arms. Yet faced immense difficulties have survived, kept alive their history and culture, passed keys of family homes in occupied Palestine from one generation to the next.
On the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian people, factions call on the Palestinian Authority to stop all relations with “Israel,” and stress that resistance is the only way to end the occupation.
The Committees called on the PA to stop all relations, agreements, and negotiations with the Israeli occupation.
On the occasion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian people, the Popular Resistance Committees in Palestine considered that the decision to partition the land represents Western and international complicity “that will not legitimize the usurpation of Palestine by the criminal Zionist enemy entity.”
The 29th of November marks the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People that the UN celebrates every year.
It also coincides with the day the UN General Assembly adopted Partition Resolution No. (181) which called for the partition of Palestinian lands to accommodate the occupation’s expansionist goals, forcefully separating the land into “Arab and Jewish states”.
The Committees considered that the partition plan “laid the foundations for the largest mass expulsion and displacement of the Palestinian people in history.”
In a statement, the Committees affirmed that the only feasible way to uproot “Israel” is through resistance in all its forms.
It called on the Palestinian Authority to stop all relations, agreements, and negotiations with the Israeli occupation, as well as withdraw its recognition of it.
In the same context, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine considered that ending the occupation could only come through the escalation of the struggle against “Israel,” and called for unifying the Arab stance against normalization.
For its part, the Palestinian Freedom Movement urged the Palestinian authority to harmonize with and acknowledge the magnitude of international solidarity that supports Palestinians and rejects the occupation.
Moreover, the Global Campaign to Return to Palestine celebrated the occasion through a series of projects and activities in support of the Palestinian people and their steadfastness in their land.
The International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian people is considered an opportunity to draw attention to the Palestinian cause that remains unresolved and the fact that Palestinians have not obtained their inalienable rights, despite numerous international resolutions.
The U.K. government is set to ban Hamas as a terrorist group, throwing away the possibility of dialogue and siding with an Israeli government opposed to the 2-State Solution.
So did the Home Secretary Priti Patel, who moved to proscribe Hamas as a terrorist group act for the British public or instead on behalf of her Israeli allies?
ثمانية وعشرون عاماً مرّت على توقيع «اتفاقية أوسلو». عقدان وسنوات ثمانٍ ثبت خلالها أن تلك الاتفاقية لم تكن أكثر من خديعة تعرّض لها الفلسطينيون، حتى يُربط مصيرهم أبداً بالاحتلال، من دون أن يقدروا على الفكاك منه. وبمعزل عن تفسير ما أقدم عليه الراحل ياسر عرفات من صفقة خاسرة أعطت إسرائيل كلّ شيء مقابل بعض الشيء وأشياء كثيرة متخيّلة، فإن ما آل إليه واقع السلطة التي أفرزها «أوسلو» يبدو من السوريالية بمستوى يصعب وصفه. إذ إنها تحوّلت إلى سيف مسلّط على رقبة المقاومة الفلسطينية، ليس من المبالغة القول إنه أمضى من السيف الإسرائيلي نفسه، فيما أضحى الهمّ الشاغل لقياداتها ووجوهها المحافظة على وجودهم ومكاسبهم، وإلى ذلك طريق واحد وحيد: “التنسيق الأمني”، الذي أضحت بموجبه السلطة حارساً وفيّاً لأمن إسرائيل ومصالحها، مع اطمئنان شبه كامل لدى الكيان العبري إلى أن هذا الواقع لن يتغيّر حتى ولو مات محمود عباس وشبع موتاً
يمكن للسلطة الفلسطينية والقائمين عليها أن يطلقوا على أنفسهم ما يريدون من أسماء وتوصيفات ترفع كيانهم السياسي إلى مراتب الدول ذات القرار والسيادة، إلّا أن ذلك لا يغيّر من واقع النظرة الإسرائيلية إليهم:…
بعد مقتل الناشط السياسي، نزار بنات، مطلع الشهر الجاري، وما سبق ذلك من فضيحة اللّقاحات منتهية الصلاحية، وأزمات الفساد و الحضور الهامشي لـ«المقاطعة» خلال حرب غزّة، زاد الحديث في الأوساط السياسية…
على مدار سنوات سبقت توقيع «اتفاق أوسلو»، سعت شخصيات فلسطينية وأخرى عربية في إقناع قيادة «منظّمة التحرير»، ورئيسها الراحل ياسر عرفات، بالذهاب نحو حلّ مرحلي، وإنهاء الكفاح المسلّح ضدّ دولة الاحتلال،…
على مدار الأعوام الماضية، واجهت المقاومة الفلسطينية عدواً داخلياً تمثّل في السلطة الفلسطينية وأدواتها الأمنية والسياسية، التي عملت على وأد المقاومة بالاعتقال والاغتيال والتنسيق الأمني مع الاحتلال….
يصحّ القول إن طموح الدولة، أو تحصيل أيّ مظهر من مظاهر السيادة، مثّل عقدة نقص لدى القيادة الفلسطينية، ليس منذ تأسيس «منظّمة التحرير» في مطلع الستينيات فحسب، إنّما للأمر جذورٌ فطرية تتّصل بواقع الشخصية…
على مدار 27 عاماً، واجهت المقاومة الفلسطينية عدواً داخلياً تمثّل في السلطة الفلسطينية وأدواتها الأمنية والسياسية، التي عملت على وأد المقاومة بالاعتقال والاغتيال والتنسيق الأمني مع الاحتلال. وخلال…
لم تَعُد حركة «فتح»، بعد قيادتها السلطة الفلسطينية، كما كانت قبلها؛ إذ باتت أطرها جميعاً مرتبطة بوجود السلطة التي تربط التنظيم بالرواتب والمناصب التي توزّعها على قياداتها. ومنذ بداية تأسيس السلطة،…
Palestinians rally to protest Nizar Banat’s assassination. (Photo: Mohammed Asad, via MEMO)
The Palestinian Authority’s security forces have been arresting civil rights activists in Ramallah for the third consecutive day, Lawyers for Justice announced yesterday.
“Among those arrested were the freed prisoner, Muhammed Allan, Ibrahim Abu Al-Ezz, and Loay Al-Ashqar,” the rights organization said in a statement, adding that the arrests are creating a state of “chaos and absence of law.”
On Sunday, the PA’s security forces were reported to have prevented the organization from holding a demonstration at the Al-Manara roundabout located in central Ramallah. They also reinforced their presence around the Al-Manara Square. and arrested all those attempting to start a protest.
Civil rights groups in the occupied West Bank have been holding regular protests in demanding the killers of activist Nizar Banat be brought to justice and for elections to be held in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Banat was a candidate for the Palestinian Legislative Council election which should have been held this year. The election was canceled by PA President Mahmoud Abbas. Banat was killed by PA security forces in late June.
كاتب وباحث سياسي في العديد من المنافذ الإخبارية العربية ، ومنها جريدة الأخبار ، وقناة الميادين الإخبارية الفضائية ، وعربي 21 ، وراي اليوم ،.
السبت 17 تموز 2021
عمرو علان
تطرّق معلقون كثر، بينهم كاتب هذه السطور، إلى أبعاد اغتيال الشهيد نزار بنات. حاولنا في ما يخصنا وضع جريمة في سياقها الصحيح، إذ جاءت كنتيجةٍ طبيعيةٍ لفلسفة السلطة الفلسطينية المبنية على «التنسيق الأمني»… ناهيك بإمكانية وضع تلك الجريمة ضمن ردود السلطة الفلسطينية على منجزات معركة «سيف القدس »الأخيرة، التي شكلت تحدياً لمسار أوسلو سيّء الذكر، ولمفهوم «عملية السلام» الكاذبة برمّتها… فمنجزات المقاومة في معركة «سيف القدس» مثلت هزيمةً لكلٍّ من الاحتلال والسلطة الفلسطينية على حدٍ سواء.
بناءً على تلك الخلاصات يرد في السياق تساؤلان مهمان: ماذا لو لم تتجاوب السلطة الفلسطينية مع المطالب الوطنية بحل ذاتها؟ وما هو مصير المصالحة الوطنية؟
إنّ ما انتهت إليه السلطة الفلسطينية من «تنسيقٍ أمنيٍ مقدسٍ» مع قوات الاحتلال – بما يتعارض وأبسط الثوابت الوطنية – لا يأتي خارج السياق، بل مصيرٌ شبه حتميٍّ لأي سلطة حكمٍ ذاتيٍّ تنشأ في ظل وجود إحتلالٍ، وذلك نتيجةً للعلاقة الجدلية التي تقوم بين الإحتلال وسلطة الحكم الذاتي، حيث تُوجِد هذه العلاقة طبقةً برجوازيةً حاكمةً ترتبط اقتصادياً وعضوياً بالإحتلال ذاته، فيصير بقاؤها مرهوناً ببقائه، وبذلك تتحوَّل سلطة الحكم الذاتي تلقائياً إلى أحد الأدوات الرئيسة والفعالة ضمن إستراتيجيات الإحتلال، من أجل قمع ذاك الشعب المحتل وحركات تحرره الوطنية، وهذا ما تدلل عليه التجارب التاريخية في الحالات المشابهة؛ لهذا ففرص تغيير السلطة الفلسطينية لنهجها تعدّ من شبه المستحيلات؛ إن لم تكن خارج الحسابات السياسية المنطقية بالمطلَق.
إذا ما أُخِذت هذه الحقيقة بعين الإعتبار، يسهل الخلوص إلى أن التعويل على حلّ السلطة الفلسطينية لنفسها من تلقاء ذاتها يُعدّ على الأرجح أمرًا غير واردٍ، كذلك يصير عدم تحقق الوحدة الوطنية بين حركتي «حماس» و»فتح» مفهوماً ومبرراً رغم مرور قرابة 15 عاماً على الإنقسام، ورغم كثرة المحاولات السابقة لإنهائه، فالحديث هنا عن مشروعين متضادين يلغي أحدهما الآخر، وينطبق عليهما «البرهان العقلي» في «إستحالة الجمع بين الأضداد»، فهما لن يجتمعا إلا إذا غيَّر أحدُهما خَصائصَهُ، وهذا محمودٌ في حالة السلطة الفلسطينية، لكنه مستبعدٌ لما ذُكر سابقاً، وممكنٌ في حالة حركة «حماس» بصفتها حركة مقاومة، لكنه سيكون مذموماً من الناحية الوطنية، فإذا ما حصل واجتمع هذان المشروعان فلن يكون هذا إلا ضمن احتمالين اثنين لا ثالثً لهما: فإما أن أحدهما قد غير في خصائصه الجذرية، وإما أن يكون أحدهما قد هيمن على الآخر بشكلٍ فعليٍّ بما يجعل من خصائص هذا الأخير في حكم اللاغية.
وعليه في الحالة الفلسطينية، يصير من الأجدى لفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية صرف النظر عن مسارات المصالحة العقيمة السابقة، وذلك إذا ما كانت تنوي الالتزام بعقيدتها وبخطها المقاوم، والبحث عن مسارٍ جديدٍ يمكن أن يفضي إلى مصالحةٍ وطنيةٍ حقيقيةٍ واضحة المعالم، تكون مؤسسةً على أهدافٍ منسجِمةٍ، تتَّسق مع الثوابت الوطنية دون تفريطٍ.
ولقد منحتنا معركة «سيف القدس» مثالاً عملياً لمسارٍ واقعيٍ، يمكن البناء عليه لتشكيل وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ مضبوطةٍ، فبالإضافة إلى كون معركة سيف القدس قد مثلت نقلةً نوعيةً في مسار مكافحة الكيان الصهيوني، فقد طرحت أيضاً صيغة «غرفة العمليات المشتركة»، التي شكلتها «كتائب الشهيد عز الدين القسام» في قطاع غزة، بناءً على أهدافٍ وطنيةٍ واضحةٍ، وقادت من خلالها المواجهة الأخيرة بكل تفاصيلها بالتشاور والتشارك مع جميع فصائل «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» الأخرى، وقد شملت هذه الغرفة كافة الفصائل الفلسطينية المسلحة قاطبةً، بما فيها فصيلان مسلَّحان تابعان لحركة «فتح»، وحقَّقت بذلك معركة سيف القدس نصراً للشعب الفلسطيني بأكمله دون استثناءٍ، ناهيك عن الإنجاز الذي تجاوز حدوده القُطْرية الفلسطينية ليصب في طاحونة خط المقاومة والتحرير في عموم الإقليم. ولعل من أهم منجزات «غرفة العمليات المشتركة»، الوحدة الوطنية التي تشكلت حولها في الشارع الفلسطيني، والتي شملت السواد الأعظم من أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني في الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948 وعام 1967 بالإضافة إلى فلسطينيي الشتات، وهذا ليس بالأمر الثانوي في الديناميكيات الصالحة لتأسيس وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ، فهو يدلِّل على كون الإنجازات الميدانية في مواجهة الاحتلال مازالت العامل الأساس لدعم قيام وحدة صفٍ فلسطينيةٍ حقيقيةٍ ونافعةٍ.
نجد إذاً في التفاهمات الميدانية مساراً ناجعاً للوصول إلى الوحدة الوطنية يمكن التأسيس عليها، ويمكن بعد ذلك تطويرها لإنشاء جبهة تحريرٍ شاملةٍ، فالميدان يَفرِز بين الوطني والمتخاذل إن لم نقُل العميل، ويُغلِّب أولوية المعركة على خلافات الحكم، وهذا هو المطلوب، حيث إن الفلسطينيين مازالوا يعيشون مرحلة التحرير، وبعد ذلك فليخوضوا في خلافات الحكم كما يشاؤون. في مثل هذه الوحدةٍ الوطنيةٍ، يكون لدى كل الفصائل في الساحة الفلسطينية خيار اللحاق برَكْب التحرير، وإلا تجاوزهم الزمن كما تجاوز غيرهم في تجارب شعوبٍ أخرى خاضت معركة التحرير.
وأخيراً، من نافلة القول إن المحازبين كأفراد هم أيضاً مخيَّرون كما الفصائل التي ينتمون إليها، إما بين اللحاق برَكْب التحرير وإما بين الإصرار على الاستمرار في جريمة التخابر مع العدو المسماة زوراً «التنسيق الأمني»، وحينها لا ملامة إن نُعِتوا بما يستحقون وعوملوا على أساسه
The family of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. (photo: via QNN)
14 Palestinian security troops, including officers, have been detained over their alleged involvement in the death of prominent activist Nizar Banat, according to his cousin.
“We have been informed that 14 of those who took part in the assassination of Banat are being detained in Jericho,” Ammar Banat told local media.
Fatah loyalists from Mahmoud Abbas’s faction, some of which identified as undercover Palestinian security personnel, attacked demonstrators with sticks and stones as they made their way to Palestinian Authority headquarters in Ramallah, West Bank. https://t.co/GgK5g2QTsN
He added that while the family was given the news early on Thursday, they did not take it seriously. He called on the Palestinian Authority to release the names of those it had arrested.
“We will not allow there to be scapegoats who are made to bear the responsibility of those [actually] involved. All must be held to account for their crimes, actions, and words,” the deceased’s cousin said.
PA security forces spokesman Talal Dweikat confirmed the number arrested in relation to Banat’s death, saying they had been referred to the judiciary pending “completion of the investigation procedures”, WAFA reported.
Palestinians have protested for several days, demanding President Mahmoud Abbas resign.
Palestinian activist Nizar Banat died in the custody of the Palestinian Authority on June 24 after security forces broke into a relative’s home and beat Banat with a metal rod. pic.twitter.com/wSmrZzGcIW
The arrests follow a preliminary probe into Banat’s death by a high-level PA committee, reportedly assembled by intelligence and military authorities.
The 43-year-old, an outspoken critic of the PA, died in PA custody last Thursday soon after dozens of security forces stormed his home in Hebron to arrest him.
PA Justice Minister Muhammad Shalalda, the committee’s head, told official Palestine TV that Banat had been subject to physical violence and that his death was “unnatural”.
A recent protest in Ramallah, where Palestinian Authority forces have been targeting women journalists including Najlaa Zaitoun, photographed here (Supplied)
By Aziza Nofal in RamallahPublished date: 2 July 2021 14:49 UTC | Last update: 2 days 1 hour ago
For several days now, Palestinian journalist Najlaa Zaitoun has been trying to convince her children, 11-year-old Haytham and 8-year-old Zein, to leave the house.
‘A person wearing plain clothes threatened me, to my face, that he would rape me, and then defame my reputation’
– Najlaa Zaitoun, journalist
“I’m afraid the person who beat you will come and beat me,” Zein said to her, as she urged them to keep up their training at the sports club they usually go to every day.
On 26 June, the 35-year-old was assaulted by plainclothes security forces while she was covering protests called following the death of popular Palestinian activist Nizar Banat while in Palestinian Security Forces custody two days earlier.
The security forces chased Zaitoun, seized her phone, which she was using to film the protest, and violently attacked her with a truncheon. She was also threatened with rape.
“A person wearing plain clothes threatened me, to my face, that he would rape me, and then defame my reputation,” she tells Middle East Eye.
Bruises Najlaa Zaitoun sustained while covering the protests can be seen on her arm (Supplied)
Zaitoun has been living in a state of fear ever since and the violent beating she received has left visible marks on her body.
“I don’t feel safe, not even in my own home,” she says. Since the attack, Zaitoun has been staying at her parents’ house.
Meanwhile, the assault on the journalist has moved online, with a smear campaign targeting her on social media accounts affiliated with the Palestinian Authority (PA) and accusing her of being the “one who attacked the security forces.”
Targeted attacks
The attack on Zaitoun is one of several instances of violence against women journalists in the course of their work covering the protests. The incidents indicate that Palestinian security forces are specifically targeting women journalists, as reflected in the escalating levels of hostility and violence towars them compared to their male counterparts.
Attacks on women journalists have included physical violence, as was the case with Zaitoun and four others; confiscation of electronic devices used to cover the events; intimidation and harassment; chasing journalists in the street; arrest attempts and a ban on reporting.
The assaults have continued even after the protests were over, with many female journalists receiving veiled threats that they will be discredited and defamed.
Saja al-Alamy is one of those attacked while reporting on the protests. On 24 June, Alamy was subjected to several attempts by security forces to prevent her from doing her job, and had to show her Palestinian Journalists Syndicate membership card each time.
‘My press armour helped the perpetrators to identify me as a journalist, and attack me’, Saja Alamy says (Supplied)
Two days later, expecting journalist to go on being obstructed, Alamy wore her bulletproof press body armour and affixed her press card on the back of her phone, which she was using to film the events.
None of this stopped her from being attacked. Instead, she believes the measures did her more harm than good.
“My press armour helped the perpetrators to identify me as a journalist, and attack me,” she says, adding that she was only able to escape the scene after she had taken off her press vest and concealed her identity as a journalist.
“There was a direct attack on us. One of the security officers in plainclothes was pointing at my female journalist colleague and me, asking his partner to take a photo of us so that he can identify us later,” she says.
Security forces had first attacked a group of journalists, including Alamy, with tear gas, but upon noticing her filming an attack on protesters, she was directly targeted. Alamy resisted the officers’ violent attempt to confiscate her phone, and refused to hand it over. She then managed to flee the scene to a nearby building and hide in a women’s toilet.
Alamy tried for more than an hour to reach her colleagues for help, but all entrances were being watched by security officers, including those who had chased her. She was eventually able to escape, after shedding her press armour, and pretended to be out shopping.
Life threatening
MEE reporter Shatha Hammad was also among the women journalists who were targeted in the attacks of 26 June.
She sustained a shrapnel wound to her face from a tear gas canister that a security officer shot directly at her after failing to confiscate her phone.
Hammad says that security officers in plainclothes had focused their attention on women reporters, singling them out by pointing at them, even before the clashes erupted, which, she believes, suggests that the assault was planned and deliberate.
According to Hammad, the unprecedented violence against women journalists made her feel insecure and trapped.
“What happened is life threatening,” she says, demanding immediate action from local and international organisations to provide the necessary protection for them.
Shatha Hammad sustained wounds to face after being directly targeted with a tear gas cannister
The detailed testimonies of women journalists were shocking to many, especially the Palestinian Authority’s use of cultural norms to shame and intimidate women, exercising social pressure against them as an attempt to silence and prevent them from performing their work.
According to Ghazi Bani Odeh, head of the monitoring and documentation unit at the Palestinian Centre for Development and Media Freedoms (Mada), these exponential attacks against women journalists are unprecedented and planned.
“The assaults on female journalists have two levels. The first is the direct physical violence in the streets; then comes the online attacks designed to incite people to exert social pressure on them,” Bani Odeh tells MEE, in reference to the smear campaigns that use hate speech that could fuel violence against them.
Smear campaigns
One of the journalists targeted by a defamation campaign was Fayhaa Khanfar, who was beaten up in the street on 26 June, with her phone stolen from her as she covered the protest.
‘When I regained consciousness, I went to security officers crying and asking for help. But no one moved a muscle’
– Fayhaa Khanfar, journalist
Security officers in plain clothes had chased Khanfar to confiscate her device and knocked her to the ground, causing her to briefly lose consciousness.
No one had intervened to help her. The attack resulted in a hairline fracture to her shoulder and bruises all over her body.
“I was attacked by security officers wearing plain clothes. They pushed me to the ground and stole my phone,” Khanfar tells MEE.
“When I regained consciousness, I went to security officers crying and asking for help. But no one moved a muscle.”
Orchestrated online attacks targeted Khanfar, who wears the hijab, aimed to discredit her in a conservative society by circulating images of a girl in beachwear, who looks very similar to Khanfar, and falsely identifying her as the journalist.
Khanfar was later summoned for interrogation at the intelligence headquarters in Ramallah, in the occupied West Bank, and told that she had to appear if she wanted to collect her phone, a move she considered an attempt to lure her in and arrest her.
Wafa Abdulrahman, the director of Filistiniat, a civil society organisation, sees the attacks on journalists as a chilling attempt to silence the women who have been spearheading the protests.
Fayhaa Khanfar suffered a hairline fracture to her shoulder and bruises all over her body (Supplied)
Abdulrahman says that the systematic targeting of women journalists is intended to first send them a threatening message, and second, to warn the society that women reporters will not be spared and that the power of the security forces is unbreakable.
As attacks on women journalists continue through online defamation campaigns and veiled threats, they find themselves living in constant danger and feeling personally insecure.
According to Majid Arori, a media freedom activist and a human rights specialist, there has to be individual and collective legal actions to deter such attacks in the future.
“The attacked women journalists must file legal complaints, providing the necessary documentation via local and international legal organisations to exert pressure on those who perpetrated the assaults,” he says, adding that these attacks are attempts to suppress critical voices and any protests against corruption.
In the international community’s narrative of illusory state-building in Palestine, the Palestinian Authority’s security services are dissociated from violence. Whether such violence is meted out according to PA Leader Mahmoud Abbas’s directives, or in terms of security coordination with Israel, the EU and the US prefer to retain a distant approach and one that is deeply rooted in the dynamics of the two-state paradigm.
Never mind that the EU and the US are directly funding and training the PA’s security services to turn against Palestinian civilians.
The killing of Nizar Banat at the hands of the PA’s security services last week ignited protests across the occupied West Bank. Simmering beneath the immediate protests is the Palestinian people’s awareness of security coordination with Israel, treacherous collaboration with Israel’s colonial violence that has targeted Palestinians with dissenting voices or involved in resistance activities.
At a time when Abbas is descending into a chaos of his own making, notably his refusal to hold democratic elections, Palestinians are protesting against the intricate web of violence which has so far sustained his “authority”.
US State Department Spokesman Ned Price’s statement is indicative of how Washington absolves itself of any role in creating the PA’s security services and their violence. “We have serious concerns about Palestinian Authority restrictions on the exercise of freedom of expression by Palestinians and harassment of civil society activists and organizations,” said Price. Anyone else for dodgeball?
However, the US exhibits no concern whatsoever that it trains the PA’s security services to commit acts that lead to the murder of Palestinian civilians. Once again, Palestinian lives are expendable in view of the international commitment, to which the US is bound by consensus, to keeping the Palestinian people tethered to the two-state compromise and protecting the occupation, apartheid state.
The EU’s statement recognized the PA’s “increasingly persistence practice” of targeting its opponents, yet it hesitated to describe Banat’s death as politically motivated. “Apparently” allows the PA to remain on the EU’s agenda, for no other reason than the two-state compromise and the humanitarian agenda forced upon the Palestinian people. In this context, how can the EU’s calls for there to be accountability for Banat’s killing have any meaning?
If scrutiny is projected onto the donors, namely the EU and the US, an additional process of accountability must be taken into consideration; one that calls into question the Oslo Accords, the two-state compromise, and the international oppression which forced Palestinians to bend under PA rule.
In November 2020, Banat was arrested for a video denouncing the PA’s resumption of security coordination with Israel, a betrayal by the PA at the news that Joe Biden had won the US presidential election. Security coordination, therefore, is the main issue. Banat’s dissent threatened what remains of the PA’s repressive power. Without security coordination, the PA risks political dissolution and accountability.
These are two truths that it tries to stave off, even as Palestinians are clearly more emboldened in their protests and less willing to fit within the parameters imposed by the international community in its quest to legitimize Abbas, despite the clear illegitimacy of his political position and absence of a mandate to govern.
– Ramona Wadi is a staff writer for Middle East Monitor, where this article was originally published. She contributed this article to the Palestine Chronicle.
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