Showing posts sorted by relevance for query deir yassin. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query deir yassin. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, 11 March 2012

The Women of Palestine and the Struggle for Liberation



Hayat Al-Balbisi had always wanted to be a teacher. But her father was dead, her mother paralyzed and sick at home, her sister blind, leaving the family with no supporter. So Hayat, a student at the Teachers College in Jerusalem, decided to search for a job to support her family and support her education. And although she was lucky enough to find a job at the Palestinian radio in Jerusalem, her dream of teaching children never faded. So, when she heard that the school of Deir Yassin was in need of teachers, and despite knowing that the village was surrounded by 6 Zionist colonies, Hayat didn‘t think twice: she was going to teach the children of Deir Yassin.

Deir Yassin was a beautiful prosperous village at the outskirts of Jerusalem, a peaceful village with a population of 750 residents. Zionist terror gangs, who had stolen all the land surrounding Deir Yassin and built illegal colonies everywhere, had their eyes set on Deir Yassin because of its wealth and its position. Deir Yassin was known as a peaceful village, and some even report that its residents had prevented Palestinian fighters from staying in the village or using its land as an area from which to fight the Zionist terrorists.

In March 1948, the leaders of the 6 Zionists colonies surrounding Deir Yassin met with the heads of the village and suggested a peace pact, a non-aggression treaty with Deir Yassin. Most probably, because the village was surrounded by several Zionists colonists, was besieged and continuously threatened by them and because the villagers had little means to protect themselves in case of an attack, Deir Yassin agreed to the pact with the Zionist colonists. Now we know that the agreement was in fact nothing but a pretext, a smokescreen to trick the peaceful residents of Deir Yassin in believing they were safe from Zionists terrorism. For in fact, the terror gangs Irgun and Lehi were planning a wide-scale attack on Deir Yassin, an attack that will delete the village from the map and a massacre that will wipe out the indigenous people of Deir Yassin, an attack that would set an example to all Palestinian villages. The Zionists chose the people who signed a “non-aggression” treaty and as a “thank you” massacred them, raped their mothers, wives and daughters, paraded their children naked before executing them.

In the early hours of Friday, the 09th of April, 1948, and in a joint operation coded “Operation Unity” the 3 terrorist gangs Irgun, Lehi (Stern) and the Haganah (later Zionist terrorist army) attacked the peaceful village of Deir Yassin with the aim of killing as many Palestinians as possible and to force the rest out of their homes and lands.

This operation was part of the “Plan Dalet”, the master military plan of the Zionists for the systematic expulsion of as many Palestinians as possible and grabbing as much Palestinian land as possible before the British Mandate was over. “Plan Dalet” lasted from 01.04.1948 to 15.05.1948, consisted of 8 major military operations against Palestinian communities and gave Zionist terror gangs a green light to massacre Palestinians and destroy their villages and towns.

This Plan and its operations caused the ethnic cleansing of 213 Palestinian villages (40% of all Palestinian villages) and made 413,794 Palestinians refugees (54% of the Nakba refugees) making it the main plan behind the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. The Irgun attacked the village from the south east, Stern attacked it from the east while the Haganah bombarded the village with mortars. Around 80 Palestinian villagers fought heroically and tried to protect the residents and the village from the over 1000 Zionist terrorists, but, with few guns and limited ammunition, they had little chance against fully-armed terror gangs. In this three-front battle, the Zionists used all sort of automatic weapons, missiles, cannons and tanks.

The fighting continued until around 15:30 afternoon when the Palestinians ran out of ammunition. The Zionists opened fire at whoever they caught trying to escape, and then moved into the village and started their “clean up”: they moved from one house to the other, torturing civilians before killing them, executing the injured, raping women, slaughtering children. Those who weren’t killed by machine guns or grenades were slaughtered with knives. Whole families were lined up against the wall of their homes and executed. Pregnant women were bayoneted and the bodies of children were mutilated. Money and jewellery were snatched from the bodies of victims and other personal belongings were stolen before houses were burnt. Of the 144 houses of Deir Yassin, at least 15 were blown up over the heads of their inhabitants by the Zionist terror gangs.

Most sources put the number of martyrs at 254, some up to 360, including 25 pregnant women who were bayoneted and 52 children who were maimed in front of their mothers before being beheaded and the mothers slain, and 60 other women and girls were also killed and their bodies mutilated. The bodies were found in houses and under the rabble of the destroyed homes, including the maimed bodies and parts of bodies of 150 women, children and elderly and many were scattered along the streets of the village. In addition to those butchered in their homes, 25 Palestinian men were rounded up by the Zionist terrorists, loaded onto a truck and paraded through Jerusalem in a sort of “victory tour” before being executed at a nearby quarry and buried in a mass grave.

Also, around 150 women and children who survived the massacre were uploaded into trucks and paraded naked through the Jewish neighbourhoods of Jerusalem, where Jewish residents mocked, insulted and attacked them, some even took photographs, after which some were returned to the village and executed, others “dumped” in Jerusalem. During the battle and the massacre, some residents of Deir Yassin managed to escape from the western entrance of the village and ran to nearby Ein Karim. There, they asked the stationed Arab soldiers to help Deir Yassin, but the soldiers declined saying that they had orders not to interfere. (More on the Deir Yassin Massacre)

After her son and husband were killed while defending their village from Zionist terrorists, Hilwa Zeidan grabbed her son’s gun and fought in defence of her home until she was killed. She wasn’t the only one: the women of Deir Yassin stood side by side with their fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. They cared for the wounded, provided food and water and dug trenches to prevent Zionists advancement into the village. Other women risked their lives to save the wounded. Using a ladder, Thiba Aqel, Rabi’a Aqel, Jamila Salah and others carried the wounded to Ein Karim.

Hayat Al-Balbisi was in Jerusalem that day, it was a Friday – a holiday, but the minute she heard news of an attack on Deir Yassin, she rushed to help. Deir Yassin had become her home, the people of Deir Yassin had become her family and the children of Deir Yassin had become her children. She was a Red Cross worker, having previously attended first aid courses. In Deir Yassin, 15 girls and boys took refuge at the school with Hayat. She turned the school to a rescue centre and placed the sign of the Red Cross on the door of the small house, thinking that this way she was protecting the children and the wounded and that the Zionists would respect humanitarian law and not attack a Red Cross centre. She helped the injured as much as she could, and when the village fell in the hands of the Zionist usurpers, and as these terrorists were entering Palestinian homes one after and the other and killing whoever was inside, many were forced to leave their homes to save their children’s lives and theirs. And as Hayat was leaving with the others, she heard the moans of someone calling for help. She went back to check, and near one house, she found a man, moaning and bleeding from his wounds. Despite the advancing Zionist killers, she remained by the injured’s side, comforting him and providing whatever help she could. Her emergency supplies had run out and she only had her headscarf with which to tie his wound, she had the Red Cross sign on her arm to show her mission. But the sign didn’t help her. 18 years old Hayat, who always wanted to be a teacher, was shot dead by Zionist terrorists while helping an injured Palestinian.

Hind Al Husseini55 children who survived the massacre, after being uploaded in trucks and paraded in Jewish neighbourhoods like war trophies, were dumped near the Old City, where they were found by 32 years old Hind Al-Husseini. She scolded the children and told them to go home because the roads were dangerous. Hours later, when she found the children still standing in the same spot, she asked them about their homes, and the eldest child told her that they were from Deir Yassin and had no home, they had lost their parents in the massacre. She took them to her family’s mansion “Dar Al-Husseini”, built by her great grandfather in 1790, which she renamed into “Dar Al-Tifl Al-Arabi” (Home of the Arab Child). Hind Al-Husseini dedicated her whole life to the orphans of Deir Yassin and other Palestinian children, cared for them and provided them with an education. Today, the mansion houses a school, a museum for Palestinian folklore and art, and a library on Islamic research and the Arab heritage of Jerusalem.

Hayat Al-Balbisi and Hind Al-Husseini are only two examples out of thousands and thousands. Palestinian women have always been an integral part of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and liberation. Palestinian women have always been men’s partners in resistance and in fighting Zionist occupation and colonization, whether as villagers, as workers, as teachers, as activists or as freedom fighters. The Palestinian history of resistance is full of names of heroes, activists who refused to remain silent or inactive while Palestine was being usurped. But in addition to the many names that are recorded in Palestinian history, there are the thousands and thousands of unnamed heroes, the activists and the fighters whose names we will never know, but who will always be part of us because they are our grandmothers, our mothers, our sisters, our friends and comrades.

The first recorded political action organized and carried out by Palestinian women was a protest that took place in 1893 in Al-Affouleh against the building of the first Zionist colony and against Zionist theft of Palestinian land. Palestinian women increased their activism during the British Mandate over Palestine: conferences were held in Palestine and abroad to warn of Zionist colonization, popular protests were organized in protest of Zionism and the British mandate policies against Palestinians and demanding the rights of the Palestinian indigenous people. Various popular and medical committees were formed by women, which in addition to calling for civil disobedience, provided aid to those wounded in protests and confrontations with British mandate police and Zionist terror gangs, and distributed food rations to the needy. During these protests and activities, some women were killed and others imprisoned by the mandate police. And cases are reported where Palestinian women would be brought to morgues to identify Palestinian protesters or revolutionaries killed by the mandate police, and because the families of the martyrs were often harassed and collectively punished, these relatives would look at the faces of their loved ones, lying on a cold table covered in their blood, would walk out of the morgues with their head raised, hold back the tears, and deny any knowledge of the killed person‘s identity to protect their families. Not only did many Palestinian women sell their scarce jewellery so their husband can buy a gun to defend their homes and homeland, but others sold their belongings to help the revolutionaries, while others toured towns collecting donations for the revolutionaries.

In 1921, Emilia As-Sakakini and Zalikha Ash-Shihabi established the first Palestinian Arab Women’s Union. It organized protests against the British mandate, Zionist colonization and the Belfour declaration. Famous female activists at the time include Maryam Izz-Iddin Al-Qassam, Nabiha Nasir and Aqilah Al-Budeiri.

1929: Palestinian women protesting @
home of British High Commissioner (L).
Car protest in Jerusalem (R).
Source: Walid Khalidi: Before Their Diaspora
1929 was a turning point for women activism in Palestine: during Al-Buraq Uprising in August 1929, women went to streets of Palestine to protest, clashed with British mandate police and helped the wounded. Among the 116 martyrs who fell in the Uprising, 9 were women: Aisha Abu Hasan (one of the female leaders of the Uprising, from ‘Atara, Jerusalem), ‘Izziyyeh Salamah (one of the female leaders of the Uprising, from Qalonia, Jerusalem), Jamila Al-Az’ar (from Sur Bahir, Jerusalem), Tashawil Hussein (from Beit Safafa, Jerusalem), Mariam Mahmoud (from Yafa), Halima Al-Ghandour (from Yafa), Fatma Haj Mohammad (from Beit Daris), and two women from Arab Al-‘Resiyyeh who were killed together with 12 Palestinian men in the north of Palestine. Many others were wounded or beaten. Among the 900 Palestinians detained by the British mandate police at the time, 3 were executed: the heroes Mohammad Jamjoum , Ata Az-Zir and Fouad Hjazi.

Following the Uprising, the first Palestinian Arab Women’s Conference, one of the largest women gatherings in Palestine, took place in Jerusalem from the 26th to the 29th of October, 1929. The main aim of the conference was to organize the Palestinian women movement and widen the scope of its activities in face of the political situation and increased Zionist colonisation. The over 300 participants agreed on boycotting British products, the establishment of a media centre to inform the world of what is happening in Palestine and organizing more protests. The conference concluded with a delegation of 14 women sent to meet the British High Commissioner and present him the demands of the conference which included the cancellation of the Balfour declaration, halting Jewish immigration to Palestine and the replacement of the Jewish attorney general because he was known for his prejudice. After the meeting with the High Commissioner, the 14 women rejoined the rest of the conference participants and went on a 100-car protest that paraded the streets of Jerusalem in protest of the British mandate policy towards the indigenous Palestinians. The women made a protest stop in front of foreign embassies.

Female activists from this period include Andalib Al-Amad, Milia As-Sakakini, Ni’mati Al-Alami, Katrin Siksik from Jerusalem, Adele Azar from Yafa, Mariam Khalil and Sathij Nassar from Haifa, Nabiha Mansi and Ruqaya Al-Karmin from Acca.

During the 1930s, the struggle of Palestinian villages against Palestinian land theft by the Jewish immigrants spread widely and became stronger, making many Palestinian villages the centre of resistance against Zionist colonization. While in cities, such as Jerusalem, women from elite Palestinian families concentrated their activism on organizing protest marches, writing petitions, providing relief, collecting donations for martyrs‘ families and following up the conditions of Palestinian prisoners, in villages on the other hand, women were more connected to resistance work on the ground, and had duties such as building roadblocks and trenches, transporting food, supplies and weapons to the fighters in the mountains, scouting and monitoring the locations and movements of the enemy and fighting in defence of their villages in any means available to them such as by throwing stones at British soldiers from roof tops.
Tarab Abdel Hadi and Matiel Mogannam. Source: passia.org
On 15.04.1933, Palestinian women from all over Palestine marched to Jerusalem‘s holy sites in protest of general Allenby‘s visit. Tarab Abdel Hadai, a Muslim Palestinian, marched to the church of Holy Sepulchre and addressed those present there, while Matiel Mogannam, a Christian Palestinian, marched towards the mosque of the Dome of the Rock and addressed those present there. Both women warned of the Zionist immigration and the plans for the replacement of the indigenous Palestinian population with Zionist colonists.

During the 1936 revolution which lasted 6 months, women’s role was also significant. 600 female students held a conference on 04.05.1936 in Jerusalem and declared a strike until the demands of the Palestinians are met. In ‘Akka female students organized a large protest during which they were attacked by the British mandate police. In Nablus female students and women went to the streets in protest as well. Women committees collected funds for the families of martyrs and prisoners, held secret meetings in homes, sew clothes for the Palestinian fighters, collected jewellery to sell and buy guns for the fighters. Others watched the movements of the British soldiers and reported to Palestinian fighters, transported food, water, material and weapons to the fighters, and even hand-clashed with British soldiers to free fighters. Many Palestinian women in villages learned using the gun, and some fought next to their husbands to defend their homes and villages.

Arab Revolt
Palestinian Women fighting shoulder to shoulder with Palestinian men (1936-1939)


One example is 50 years old Fatma Ghazal who was killed on 26.06.1936 during the battle of ‘Azzun between British soldiers and Palestinian resistance fighters. Some reports say that Fatma was killed by British snipers while transporting food and water to a group fighters who were taking refuge under an olive tree, other reports say she was killed while fighting side by side with the men and defending the village. During Bal’a battle in 1936, when the British mandate forces besieged the village, Palestinian women provided the fighters with water, food and weapons, and while the men were defending the village and fighting the British soldiers, the women encouraged them through national songs and zaghareet, until the fighters gained victory.

Fatma Khaskiyyeh Abu Dayyeh, born in At-Tirah in 1902, is one example of Palestinian women who were active in the armed resistance during the 1930s, the 1940s and during the Nakba. She was well-trained in the use of many types of weapons and often fought side by side with her husband. In an interview before her death, Fatma recalls how during the Ottoman rule, she caught one Ottoman soldier stealing her family’s harvest. She beat him before taking him to his superior who punished him for the theft. During the 1936-1939 revolution, Fatma was in charge of the weapons’ storage place of the revolutionaries, used to transport not only water and food, but also weapons to the fighters and help fighters escape British soldiers.

During the Nakba of 1948, Fatma was in charge of a 100 fighters. She warned them not to waste the scarce bullets, and threatened that for every wasted bullet a fine of 10 piasters will be paid. In one incident, a fighter borrowed a gun to fight the Zionist gangs in 1948 and returned it damaged. Fatma scolded him, reminding him that there was scarcity in weapons available for Palestinian fighters and one should take good care of them. She ordered him to repair the gun before bringing it back. During the fighting around her village, she was stationed in a trench and wore a kuffiyyeh like her fellow fighters. In the interview, she recalled the inaction of one Iraqi officer who was stationed close to where the fighting was taking place, and how he was crying and saying that they had orders not to fight. But another Iraqi officer and his soldiers disobeyed the orders and fought side by side with the Palestinians.

Between the 15th and the 18th of October 1938, the first Arab Women Conference took place in Cairo in support of Palestine. Delegations attending came from Palestine, Syria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon and Iran. The Palestinian delegation with its 27 participants was the largest, and called for the support of the Palestinian revolution, the release of Palestinian political prisoners and the boycott of British products. The conference declared its support to Palestinians demands of cancellation of the Belfour, stopping Jewish immigration to Palestine and stopping the illegal transfer of Arab lands to Jews. It also condemned the brutal and repressive British policy against the indigenous Palestinians.


Palestinian female activists collecting donations for the revolutionaries 1938. Source: Walid Khalidi: Before Their Diaspora

As Zionist land theft and attacks of Zionist terror gangs increased, more women became active in the fight against Zionist colonization. On one hand, efforts increased to inform Palestinians, Arabs and the world of Zionist plans for Palestine and to refute Zionist propaganda and lies: Letters were sent to Arab leaders asking for support, and to British leadership denouncing the mandate actions in support of Zionism, and demanding the release of Palestinian political prisoners and the return of those deported. On the other hand, this period witnessed the birth of some prominent and active Palestinian women groups such as „Zahrat Al-Uqhuwan“ (the Chrysanthemum), a secret group founded in Yafa in 1947 as a charity to help poor Palestinian students, but turned to direct military work after one of its founders, Muhiba Khorsheed, witnessed the killing of a Palestinian child. The group supported and fought alongside Palestinian revolutionaries, provided them with food and weapons, nursed the wounded and provided training for women in first aid and using weapons.

In Haifa, another group, “the Sisters of Al-Qassam”, became active, and its members fought next to Palestinian revolutionaries. Other groups include the “Land” secret group with the aim of helping the wounded, transporting food and water to Palestinian fighters, digging trenches and fortifications. Several groups and committees collected donations to help the families of the martyrs and prisoners and to support Palestinian revolutionaries.


Adlah Fatayer and Fatma Abul Huda 1947, Source: google images

Another group was “Mala’ikat Al-Rahma” (Angels of Mercy), which was a medical group active in Nablus and Jerusalem. Among its activists were Fatma Abul Huda, Hidaya Mar’ashly, Lamya Hijab, ‘Afaf Al-Khammash, Lamya ‘Arafat, Abla Nabulsi and In’am Tbeileh. Adlah Fatayer from Nablus used in the 1930s and the 1940s to transport food to the fighters and watch the movement of British soldiers in the streets and alleys of Nablus and warn the revolutionaries. In addition to her experience in the use of weapons, Adlah was trained in first aid. When the fighting intensified in 1947, Andalib Al-Amad established a small hospital in Nablus called ‘Ash-Shahba’’, some 100 women volunteered, including Adlah, to help and take care of the wounded. They used to grind sugar and treat the wounds with it. Some used to prepare food at home and bring it to the hospital for the wounded every day.

Some of the women like Adlah Fatayer, Fatma Abul Huda and Yusra Touqan joined the revolutionaries in the battlefields. In an interview, Adlah Fatayer described how she moved with the revolutionaries from one battlefield to the next, from Ar-Ramah to ‘Arraba to Ash-Shajara to Tarshiha, providing medical help to the wounded and supporting the fighters. And during the exodus, many Palestinians were forced into south Lebanon. On the way, they were continuously bombed by Israeli planes and because the supplies ran out, Adlah and her colleagues had to use tree leaves to treat and bandage wounds and branches to stabilize broken bones. The number of dead and injured was so high, that the injured had to be laid on top of the dead and transported in trucks. On 23.04.1948 and while providing medical aid to the wounded during the attack on Haifa, 19 years old Juliette Nayif Zaka, was killed by Zionists gangs.

During the Nakba, women transport messages and news to the fighters, hid revolutionaries in barns and storage rooms, smuggled food and weapons to the fighters, monitored the movements on the roads, provided medical help and fought next to men defending their villages. On 11.06.1948, Zionist terror gangs occupied Al-Birweh. About 2 weeks later, on 23.06.1948, more than 200 Palestinian men and women marched to liberate the village. On the way, they passed a group of Arab soldiers, and asked them to join. The soldiers refused, saying they had orders not to interfere. Only 96 of the villagers were armed with guns and had some 30 to 45 bullets, and the rest had sticks, axes and shovels. Despite being poorly armed, the villagers defeated the well-armed Zionist usurpers and liberated Al-Birweh. The Arab soldiers who had previously refused to lend help entered the village after its liberation, forced the Palestinian fighters to leave, claiming they were better equipped to protect the village from another Zionist attack. The next day, Zionist terror gangs attacked the village and defeated the Arab soldiers and reoccupied the village.

Palestinian women’s role in the struggle for freedom and liberation continued after the Nakba. And today, they continue to organize and provide education and health services in villages and refugee camps. They build homes for the children orphaned by Zionist terrorism. They protect and promote Palestinian cultural heritage. They defy the curfew, the closure and the bullets. They make cheese and bread and lead the boycott of the Zionist entity. They knit clothes for the prisoners and organize sit-ins and marches demanding the release of their children, brothers and fathers from Israeli prisons. They care for their homes and provide for their children when their husbands are imprisoned or martyred. They go to the streets to protest the brutality of the Israeli military occupation, they fight for the liberation of Palestine, resist the occupier and refuse to remain silent. Palestinian women are the teachers, the nurses, the builders, the farmers, the workers, the mothers, the sisters, the protectors, the supporters, the activists, the comrades, the freedom fighters, the prisoners, the martyrs. Their weapon is the gun, the stone, the axe and the shovel, the olive sapling, the song, the tale, the flag, the thob.

They are Leila Khaled who wrote the name Palestine high in the sky.
They are Muntaha Hourani who planted the land with red poppies.
They are Dalal Al-Mughrabi who painted Palestine from the River to the Sea.
They are Wajiha Rabay’a who sacrificed her life to prevent the soldiers from kidnapping her son. They are Lina An-Nabulsi who fell, but never stopped singing for Palestine.
They are Hana’ Ash-Shalabi, hunger-striking for freedom and justice.

They are every woman planting the fields, every woman defending the land. They are the thousands and thousands of heroes, the thousands and thousands of Palestinian women steadfast despite oppression and the Zionist terror. They are the thousands and thousands of Palestinian women dreaming of the return and marching towards Palestine. They are the fighters who never rest, the prisoners who defeat death, the martyrs who pave the way to Jerusalem. They are the partners in resistance, the guardians of the revolution, and the symbol of steadfastness. They are the daughters of Palestine.

PS: Palestinian women don’t need to be lectured on resistance, armed or popular, nor do they need to be “taught” how to resist the occupation. “Activists” who claim in interviews that they are “bringing” popular resistance to Palestinian villages and “teaching” resistance to Palestinian women should first read the history of popular resistance in the villages they are supposedly bringing popular resistance to, and secondly should read about Palestinian women and their role in resistance and the struggle for liberation.

Sources:
http://www.palestineremembered.com/
http://www.passia/
http://www.wafainfo.ps/
http://www.pcrp.ps/
http://www.felesteen.ps/
http://www.nablus-city.net/
http://www.wajeb.org/

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Saturday, 10 April 2010

Deir Yassin's inextinguishable fire

Dina Elmuti writing from Deir Yassin, Palestine, Live from Palestine, 9 April 2010


The author's mother standing near the site of the Deir Yassin massacre more than 60 years after it happened. (Dina Elmuti)

"They will not criminalize us, rob us of our true identity, steal our individualism, depoliticize us, churn us out as systemized, institutionalized, decent law-abiding robots. We refuse to lie here in dishonor!"
- Bobby Sands, Provisional Irish Republican Army

It's as if the very moment I passed by Bab al-Amud or Damascus Gate in Jerusalem's Old City, I was transported back in time to a forbidden place, a place I was forced to feel as though I was illegally trespassing through just by gazing at it, a place now belonging to others. "This place you talk about no longer exists. It's been long gone." That's what they continue to say with such impunity and disregard, but those sentiments of deterrence wouldn't stop me. They never had before, and they wouldn't stand a chance now. I was determined to go back, to see it all again with my own eyes, to capture every sight so the memories would be engraved in my head forever, despite any and all pretentious constructions that would be made without our permission. Despite all the renovations and reconstructions to make it "their own," it would always be Deir Yassin to me.

"Deir Yassin," she says with a sadness, a sense of loss in her eyes each time she speaks of the atrocious day she lost her home. "Deir Yassin," she says with a childlike innocence in her voice as she recalls sweet memories before her entire world was completely denatured by evil. "Deir Yassin," the imperishable words of my grandmother continue to resonate with me each day for she made me promise to never forget, and that's a promise I intend to keep to her.

I followed the imperiously-placed road signs leading to Givat Shaul until the memories began flooding back, one by one. With no place to park, I took the chance of leaving the yellow-plated car on the side of the road, near the abandoned blue fence so I would be able to step back in time on foot. In the cool breeze of that afternoon, standing on the ledge overlooking the Har HaMenuchot cemetery in scenic view of the Jewish Holocaust memorial, Yad Vashem, I inhaled deeply and digested the view of what was now known as Givat Shaul. As I stood there taking in the surreal surroundings of Mount Herzl and Yad Vashem, I was overcome by emotions as the tales of my grandmother soon came to life right before my very eyes.

"See right there," she pointed behind me, "that was my father's stone quarry, and there's the grain mill." For as long as I live, I'll never forget the look on her face, the way her lips quivered, the way she tapped her tired fingers on her chest with such pride, and the high pitch in her voice as she spoke with such nostalgia. As a little girl, she played house with her friends at the nearby monastery surrounded by fig, almond and apple trees, just as any child would do, oblivious to the tragedy that awaited them. At eight years old though, her childhood was no longer one free of trauma and injustice. In less than a day, she was forced to leave everything she had ever known behind, taking nothing with her but the clothes on her back. Sixty-two years ago, she had once called this place home. This was home, and without her knowledge, her permission, or her right, it was all taken away. Someone else callously decided it was no longer hers to claim. The thought of that still makes me feel as though I've been kicked repeatedly in the stomach.

It's difficult to return to Deir Yassin without suddenly becoming transfixed by the blatant ethnic cleansing and hypocrisy lying on the very ground once belonging to the native Palestinians who called this very ground home less than seven decades ago. Chilling tales and memories have allowed Deir Yassin to live on in the hearts and minds of countless worldwide, allowing it to be deemed as so much more than just a name associated with death, destruction and pillaging. Deir Yassin will continue to resonate as a lesson of resilience and determination to never forget.

Before walking back to the car and bidding my farewell to Deir Yassin once again, I stood on the ledge overlooking Mount Herzl with the hope of trying to absorb and digest all that I had seen that day. Standing there captivated by all that I had taken notice of this time, I couldn't help but feel as though my blood began to boil. Looking onto the grand, monumental view of Yad Vashem erected to honor those who so unjustly lost their lives in the Holocaust, I stood on the land where my own family too lost their livelihoods and lives so unjustly without so much as a marker to honor them. A mile away from Deir Yassin sits a memorial to commemorate the victims of the Holocaust, to remind the world of the inhumanity that took place with such impunity. Today, it continues to remind the world of the atrocities that took place with a timeless, ubiquitous message of "never to forget man's inhumanity to man."

I can't help but feel as though the overwhelming irony is shamelessly mocking me as I stand there on the other side of Yad Vashem in Deir Yassin, where a massacre took place 62 years ago. I stood there honoring those whose names don't appear in a museum, whose voices are rarely, if ever, heard in the media, and whose legacies are insolently ignored and omitted from textbooks and classrooms, rendering them invisible to so many in the world. Standing there, I wonder if those who visit the museum look over to the other side and even know what occurred there some 60 years ago, whether or not they question what happened, and whether or not they feel any sympathy like they do for their own. Deir Yassin carries with it such magnitude, for it is not just the story of a massacre, but the story of two peoples -- the victims and the victims of those victims -- whose fates allowed them to be conjoined on stolen land.

Wiped off the post-1948 maps of Israel, Deir Yassin can never and will never be wiped out of the minds of Palestinians worldwide, those under occupation and those in the diaspora. No matter how the maps and signs are altered, I will always find a way back to Deir Yassin, because it is my moral responsibility to return and keep its legacy alive. This is where I come from. This is where my family, who are still alive and well to remember, suffered. This is where injustice took place, and I will never forget. After all, it was Simon Wiesenthal who said that "hope lives when people remember," when observing the suffering of the Jews at the hands of injustice. Likewise, the suffering of the Palestinians deserves to be dignified as well. As any people who have been subjugated and oppressed, Palestinians too will hold on to their relentless refusal to concede and forget.

Despite all the agony, anguish and traumatizing memories that have echoed with her throughout her life, my grandmother's eyes still light up just at the sound of hearing Deir Yassin. Today, this place that's been associated with such pain and suffering to so many continues to instill such pride and joy in her. I've never known such strength and resilience, but I hope to learn from it every single day.

So, today, I commemorate the 62nd anniversary of the Deir Yassin Massacre. Commemorating Deir Yassin is not to create a sadistic exploitation of the suffering of a people. It is a reminder to us all that injustice did take place there, and that it is our responsibility to remember that the atrocities and intolerance we see and hear about today had their inception with Deir Yassin. Deir Yassin, which catapulted the Nakba, our catastrophe, is an undeniable marker of unabashed injustice, and it will continue to deter any prevarication and the notion that "ignorance is bliss." Deir Yassin signifies that Palestinians existed and still exist, and we will never give up without a fight.

David Ben Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, was mistaken when he arrogantly asserted that "the old will die and the young will forget," for he underestimated the indomitable will of the Palestinian people. Despite heartache, pain and suffering, we will never relinquish a dream so imbedded in our hearts and minds. Yes, the old may die, but the young will never able to forget, and to paraphrase Bobby Sands, "our revenge will be the laughter of our children," those who will carry on this dream and fight for justice. This dream will live on in the hearts of generation after generation; it is an inextinguishable fire burning inside our hearts, and what we say today will be our lifelong commitment to it.

Dina Elmuti is a graduate student in the Masters in Social Work program at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale.

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 Uprooted Palestinian

Thursday, 9 April 2009

April 9th: Deir Yassin Remembered

April 9th: Deir Yassin Remembered


Deir Yassin Remembered
Early in the morning of April 9, 1948, commandos of the Irgun (headed by Menachem Begin) and the Stern Gang attacked Deir Yassin, a village with about 750 Palestinian residents. The village lay outside of the area to be assigned by the United Nations to the Jewish State; it had a peaceful reputation. But it was located on high ground in the corridor between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Deir Yassin was slated for occupation under Plan Dalet and the mainstream Jewish defense force, the Haganah, authorized the irregular terrorist forces of the Irgun and the Stern Gang to perform the takeover.

In all over 100 men, women, and children were systematically murdered. Fifty-three orphaned children were literally dumped along the wall of the Old City, where they were found by Miss Hind Husseini and brought behind the American Colony Hotel to her home, which was to become the
Dar El-Tifl El-Arabi orphanage.

Part of the struggle for self-determination by Palestinians has been to tell the truth about Palestinians as victims of Zionism. For too long their history has been denied, and this denial has only served to further oppress and deliberately dehumanize Palestinians in Israel, inside the occupied territories, and outside in their diaspora.

Some progress has been made. Westerners now realize that Palestinians, as a people, do exist. And they have come to acknowledge that during the creation of the state of Israel, thousands of Palestinians were killed and over 700,000 were driven or frightened from their homes and lands on which they had lived for centuries.

Deir Yassin Remembered seeks similar progress on behalf of the victims of the Deir Yassin Massacre . . .


DYR's PARTNER WEB SITE Righteous


Deir Yassin Remembered

Posted on April 9, 2009 by marcy/مارسي newman/نيومان

today is the anniversary of the massacre of dier yassin. it is not the only massacre that jewish terrorists enacted upon palestinians during an nakba in 1948. not by far. nor is it the only time since 1948 that they have committed a massacre. one need only to look at gaza to know the answer to that question. but deir yassin is a touchstone for palestinians because of the symbolic nature of this particular massacre. it was widely publicized, including in newspapers like the new york times to spread terror among Palestinians so that they would flee their homes so jews could steal them and occupy them. here are the events according to the deir yassin remembered website that took place 61 years ago today:

Early in the morning of Friday, April 9, 1948, commandos of the Irgun, headed by Menachem Begin, and the Stern Gang attacked Deir Yassin, a village with about 750 Palestinian residents. It was several weeks before the end of the British Mandate. The village lay outside of the area that the United Nations recommended be included in a future Jewish State. Deir Yassin had a peaceful reputation and was even said by a Jewish newspaper to have driven out some Arab militants. But it was located on high ground in the corridor between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem and one plan, kept secret until years afterwards, called for it to be destroyed and the residents evacuated to make way for a small airfield that would supply the beleaguered Jewish residents of Jerusalem.

By noon over 100 people, half of them women and children, had been systematically murdered. Four commandos died at the hands of resisting Palestinians using old Mausers and muskets. Twenty-five male villagers were loaded into trucks, paraded through the Zakhron Yosef quarter in Jerusalem, and then taken to a stone quarry along the road between Givat Shaul and Deir Yassin and shot to death. The remaining residents were driven to Arab East Jerusalem.

That evening the Irgunists and the Sternists escorted a party of foreign correspondents to a house at Givat Shaul, a nearby Jewish settlement founded in 1906. Over tea and cookies they amplified the details of the operation and justified it, saying Deir Yassin had become a concentration point for Arabs, including Syrians and Iraqis, planning to attack the western suburbs of Jerusalem. They said that 25 members of the Haganah militia had reinforced the attack and claimed that an Arabic-speaking Jew had warned the villagers over a loudspeaker from an armored car. This was duly reported in The New York Times on April 10.

A final body count of 254 was reported by The New York Times on April 13, a day after they were finally buried. By then the leaders of the Haganah had distanced themselves from having participated in the attack and issued a statement denouncing the dissidents of Irgun and the Stern Gang, just as they had after the attack on the King David Hotel in July 1946. A 1987 study undertaken by Birzeit University’s Center for Research and Documentation of Palestinian Society found “the numbers of those killed does not exceed 120″.

The Haganah leaders admitted that the massacre “disgraced the cause of Jewish fighters and dishonored Jewish arms and the Jewish flag.” They played down the fact that their militia had reinforced the terrorists’ attack, even though they did not participate in the barbarism and looting during the subsequent “mopping up” operations.

They also played down the fact that, in Begin’s words, “Deir Yassin was captured with the knowledge of the Haganah and with the approval of its commander” as a part of its “plan for establishing an airfield.”

Ben Gurion even sent an apology to King Abdullah of Trans-Jordan. But this horrific act served the future State of Israel well. According to Begin:

Arabs throughout the country, induced to believe wild tales of “Irgun butchery,” were seized with limitless panic and started to flee for their lives. This mass flight soon developed into a maddened, uncontrollable stampede. The political and economic significance of this development can hardly be overestimated.

Of about 144 houses, 10 were dynamited. The cemetery was later bulldozed and, like hundreds of other Palestinian villages to follow, Deir Yassin was wiped off the map. By September, Orthodox Jewish immigrants from Poland, Rumania, and Slovakia were settled there over the objections of Martin Buber, Cecil Roth and other Jewish leaders, who believed that the site of the massacre should be left uninhabited. The center of the village was renamed Givat Shaul Bet. As Jerusalem expanded, the land of Deir Yassin became part of the city and is now known simply as the area between Givat Shaul and the settlement of Har Nof on the western slopes of the mountain.


einsteinletter041048

interestingly, the deir yassin website has posted a copy of a letter that albert einstein wrote (see above) the day after this massacre to a man seeking funding for more such terrorist attacks on palestinians. clearly, the man wrote to the wrong person:

Prior to the creation of the State of Israel, two Jewish terrorist groups were working to cleanse Palestine of its Arab inhabitants and its British occupiers. The more brutal of these groups was Lohamei Herut Yisrael (Fighters for the Freedom of Israel) also known as the Stern Gang after its founder Avraham Stern.

Much of the financial support for these Jewish terrorists came from the United States. The Stern Gang received money collected under the more perfidious name, American Friends of the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel. Mr. Shepard Rifkin was the executive director after the UN Partition of Palestine and prior to the creation of Israel in May 1948.

Against his better judgment Rifkin solicited Albert Einstein to help the Stern Gang raise American money for arms to drive out the Arabs and help create a Jewish state. On April 10th, the day after the infamous massacre of Arabs at Deir Yassin, Einstein replied calling the Stern Gang terrorists and misled criminals.

but, of course, to really understand what happened it is important to listen to the survivors. to their oral history. here is a film featuring zeinab mohammad ismail attieh who tells you how she survived the massacre:



there are a few testimonies of survivors by people like abu yusef on a nakba site hosted by the khalil sakakini center in ramallah, here is abu yusef’s:

“(..)After the battle, the Jews took elderly men and women and youths, including 4 of my cousins and a nephew. They took them all. Women who had on them gold and money, were stripped of their gold. After the Jews removed their dead and wounded, they took the men to the quarry and sprayed them all with bullets.

(..)One woman had her son taken some 40 to 60 meters away from where she and the rest of the women stood by, and shot him dead. Then they brought Jewish kids to throw stones at his body. They later poured kerosene on his body and set it ablaze while the women watched from a distance. We later collected ourselves, & checked who was missing. At Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem, we were gathered by the Arab Supreme Committee. Each of us was looking for a son, a daughter, a sister or a mother.

All men were busy fighting. Eyewitnesses were only women. The elderly men were told to remove the dead, both Arabs and Jews. They took the bodies of the Jews and left the Arab bodies until they later were thrown in a well in the village center.”

there are other such testimonies and more information on the palestine remembered website as well. of course, this website provides oral histories of many people who survived numerous massacres and whose villages were destroyed when their land became colonized by the zionist entity starting in 1948.

one of the prime terrorists involved in the terrorism of the villagers of deir yassin was, of course, menachem begin as a member of the terrorist irgun (just like rahm israel imanuel’s father). upon learning of begin’s visit to the united states on december 2, 1948 albert einstein, among others, wrote an open letter that was published in the new york times:

TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES:

Among the most disturbing political phenomena of our time is the Emergence in the newly created state of Israel of the “Freedom Party” (Tnuat Haherut), a political party closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties. It was formed out of the membership and following of the former Irgun Zvai Leumi, a terrorist, right-wing, chauvinist organization in Palestine.

The current visit of Menahem Begin, leader of this party to the United States is obviously calculated to give the impression of American Support for his party in the coming Israeli elections, and to cement political ties with conservative Zionist elements in the United States. Several Americans of national repute have lent their names to welcome his visit. It is inconceivable that those who oppose fascism throughout the world, if correctly informed as to Mr. Begin’s political record and perspectives, could add their names and support to the movement he represents. Before irreparable damage is done by way of financial contributions, public manifestations in Begin’s behalf, and the creation in Palestine of the impression that a large segment of America supports Fascist elements in Israel, the American public must be informed as to the record and objectives of Mr. Begin and his movement.

The public avowals of Begin’s party are no guide whatever to its actual character. Today they speak of freedom, democracy and anti-imperialism, whereas until recently they openly preached the doctrine of the Fascist state. It is in its actions that the terrorist party betrays its real character; from its past actions we can judge what it may be expected to do in the future.

Attack on Arab Village

A shocking example was their behavior in the Arab village of Deir Yassin. This village, off the main roads and surrounded by Jewish lands, had Taken no part in the war, and had even fought off Arab bands who wanted to use the village as their base. On April 9 (THE NEW YORK TIMES), terrorist bands attacked this peaceful village, which was not a military objective in the fighting, killed most of its inhabitants - 240 men, women and children - and kept a few of them alive to parade as captives through the streets of Jerusalem. Most of the Jewish community was horrified at the deed, and the Jewish Agency sent a telegram of apology to King Abdullah of Trans-Jordan.

But the terrorists, far from being ashamed of their act, were proud of this massacre, publicized it widely, and invited all the foreign correspondents present in the country to view the heaped corpses and the general havoc at Deir Yassin. The Deir Yassin incident exemplifies the character and actions of the Freedom Party. Within the Jewish community they have preached an admixture of ultra-nationalism, religious mysticism, and racial superiority.

Like other Fascist parties they have been used to break strikes, and have themselves pressed for the destruction of free trade unions. In their Stead they have proposed corporate unions on the Italian Fascist model. During the last years of sporadic anti-British violence, the IZL and Stern groups inaugurated a reign of terror in the Palestine Jewish community. Teachers were beaten up for speaking against them, adults were shot for Not letting their children join them. By gangster methods, beatings, window-smashing, and wide-spread robberies, the terrorists intimidated the population and exacted a heavy tribute.

The people of the Freedom Party have had no part in the constructive achievements in Palestine. They have reclaimed no land, built no settlements, and only detracted from the Jewish defense activity. Their much-publicized immigration endeavors were minute, and devoted mainly to bringing in Fascist compatriots.

DISCREPANCIES SEEN

The discrepancies between the bold claims now being made by Begin and His party, and their record of past performance in Palestine bear the imprint of no ordinary political party. This is the unmistakable stamp of a Fascist party for whom terrorism (against Jews, Arabs, and British alike), and misrepresentation are means, and a “Leader State” is the goal.

In the light of the foregoing considerations, it is imperative that the truth about Mr. Begin and his movement be made known in this country. It is all the more tragic that the top leadership of American Zionism has Refused to campaign against Begin’s efforts, or even to expose to its own constituents the dangers to Israel from support to Begin.

The undersigned therefore take this means of publicly presenting a few salient facts concerning Begin and his party; and of urging all concerned not to support this latest manifestation of fascism.

ISIDORE ABRAMOWITZ,

HANNAH ARENDT,

ABRAHAM BRICK,

RABBI JESSURUN CARDOZO,

ALBERT EINSTEIN,

HERMAN EISEN, M.D.,

HAYIM FINEMAN,

M. GALLEN, M.D.,

H.H. HARRIS,

ZELIG S. HARRIS,

SIDNEY HOOK,

FRED KARUSH,

BRURIA KAUFMAN,

IRMA L. LINDHEIM,

NACHMAN MAJSEL,

SEYMOUR MELMAN,

MYER D. MENDELSON, M.D.,

HARRY M. ORLINSKY,

SAMUEL PITLICK,

FRITZ ROHRLICH,

LOUIS P. ROCKER,

RUTH SAGER,

ITZHAK SANKOWSKY, I.J.

SHOENBERG,

SAMUEL SHUMAN,

M. ZNGER,

IRMA WOLPE,

STEFAN WOLPE.

the main issue with deir yassin–the lesson from this historical even that we remember every year–that should never be forgotten and never forgiven–is that we should resist at all costs any attempt for continuing ethnic cleansing plans devised by the zionist entity. which has gone on for more than 61 years now. and it continues today. the way that palestinians are being terrorized off their lands by colonists and israeli terrorist soldiers alike is the same thing. maybe not as big, maybe not new york times headlines, but it is the same thing. it is a continuation of the same process. here is yet an example of that ethnic cleansing from al quds, with beautiful palestinians refusing to be terrorized into flight. instead they are steadfast and they will rebuild their houses again and again and again:



Monday, 10 May 2010

A massacre of arabs masked by a state of national amnesia


A massacre of arabs masked by a state of national amnesia


Sixty years on, the true story of the slaughter of Palestinians at Deir Yassin may finally come out


By Catrina Stewart in Jerusalem

Monday, 10 May 2010

A Palestinian survivor reacts 07 April 2005 during a memorial ceremony at the original site of her former village of Deir Yassin in Jerusalem.


ATTA HUSSEIN/AFP/Getty Images
A Palestinian survivor reacts 07 April 2005 during a memorial ceremony at the original site of her former village of Deir Yassin in Jerusalem.
More than one unwitting visitor to Jerusalem has fallen prey to the bizarre delusion that they are the Messiah. Usually, they are whisked off to the serene surroundings of Kfar Shaul psychiatric hospital on the outskirts of the city, where they are gently nursed back to health.
It is an interesting irony that the patients at Kfar Shaul recuperate from such variations on amnesia on the very spot that Israel has sought to erase from its collective memory.
The place is Deir Yassin. An Arab village cleared out in 1948 by Jewish forces in a brutal battle just weeks before Israel was formed, Deir Yassin has come to symbolise perhaps more than anywhere else the Palestinian sense of dispossession.

Sixty-two years on, what really happened at Deir Yassin on 9 April remains obscured by lies, exaggerations and contradictions. Now Ha'aretz, a liberal Israeli newspaper, is seeking to crack open the mystery by petitioning Israel's High Court of Justice to release written and photographic evidence buried deep in military archives. Palestinian survivors of Deir Yassin, a village of around 400 inhabitants, claim the Jews committed a wholesale massacre there, spurring Palestinians to flee in the thousands, and undermining the long-held Israeli narrative that they left of their own accord.

Israel's opposing version contends that Deir Yassin was the site of a pitched battle after Jewish forces faced unexpectedly strong resistance from the villagers. All of the casualties, it is argued, died in combat.

In 2006, an Israeli arts student, Neta Shoshani, applied for access to the Deir Yassin archives for a university project, believing a 50-year embargo on the secret documents had expired eight years previously. She was granted limited access to the material, but was informed that there was an extended ban on the more sensitive documents. When a lawyer demanded an explanation, it emerged that a ministerial committee only extended the ban more than a year after Ms Shoshani's first request, exposing the state to a legal challenge. The current embargo runs until 2012.

Defending its right to keep the documents under wraps, the Israeli state has argued that their publication would tarnish the country's image abroad and inflame Arab-Israeli tensions. Ha'aretz and Ms Shoshani have countered that the public have a right to know and confront their past.

Judges, who have viewed all the archived evidence held by the Israeli state on Deir Yassin, have yet to make a decision on what, if anything, to release. Among the documents believed to be in the state's possession is a damning report written by Meir Pa'il, a Jewish officer who condemned his compatriots for bloodthirsty and shameful conduct on that day. Equally incriminating are the many photographs that survive.

"The photos clearly show there was a massacre," says Daniel McGowan, a US retired professor who works with Deir Yassin Remembered. "Those photos show [villagers] lined up against a quarry wall and shot."

In 1947, the United Nations proposed a partition plan that would divide Palestine into a Jewish and Arab state, with Jerusalem an international city. The Arabs fiercely opposed the plan and clashes broke out as both sides scrambled for territory before the British mandate expired. In April 1948, the Hagana, the predecessor of the Israeli army, launched a military operation to secure safe passage between Jewish areas by taking Arab villages on high ground above the road to Jerusalem.

Irgun and the Stern Gang, breakaway paramilitary groups, drew up separate plans to take the strategic Deir Yassin in a pre-dawn raid on 9 April 1948, even though the villagers had signed a non-aggression pact with the Jews and had stuck to it. What happened next is still under debate. In his book The Revolt, Menachim Begin, a future Israeli prime minister, recounts how the Jewish forces used a loudspeaker to warn all the villagers to leave the village. Those that remained fought.

"Our men were compelled to fight for every house; to overcome the enemy they used large numbers of hand grenades," wrote Mr Begin, who was not present at the battle. "And the civilians who had disregarded our warnings suffered inevitable casualties. I am convinced that our officers and men wished to avoid a single unnecessary casualty."

Mr Begin's account, however, is challenged by the recollections of survivors and eyewitnesses. Abdul-Kader Zidain was 22 years old in 1948, and immediately joined a band of 30 fighters from the village to fend off the surprise Jewish offensive, even though they were clearly outnumbered.

"They went into the houses and they shot the people inside. They killed everybody they saw, women and children," said Mr Zidain, who lost four of his immediate family, including his father and two brothers, in the attack. Now a frail 84-year-old living in a West Bank village, he says he remembers everything as if it were yesterday. Survivor testimonies are supported by Mr Pa'il, whose detailed eyewitness account was published in 1998. Awaiting reassignment, he went to observe the attack as part of his remit to keep the Irgun and the Stern Gang in check.

After the fighting had wound down, Mr Pa'il described how he heard sporadic firing from the houses, and went to investigate. There he saw that the soldiers had stood the villagers in the corners of their homes and shot them dead. A short while later, he saw a group of around 25 prisoners being led to a quarry between Deir Yassin and neighbouring Givat Shaul. From a higher vantage point, he and a companion were able to see everything and take photographs. "There was a natural wall there, formed by diggingy. They stood the prisoners against that wall and shot the lot of them," he said. Mr Pa'il described how Jews from neighbouring Givat Shaul finally stepped in to stop the slaughter.

In the ensuing confusion and anger over the killings in Deir Yassin, both sides released an inflated Palestinian death toll for very different reasons: the Palestinians wanted to bolster resistance and attract the attention of the Arab nations they hoped would help them; the Jews wanted to scare the Palestinians into flight.

After the dust had settled, Mr Zidain and the other survivors counted the missing among them, and concluded that 105 Palestinians had died in Deir Yassin, not the 250 often reported. Four Jews were killed. But the damage was already done. The reports from Deir Yassin led to a total collapse of morale, and many historians regard the incident as the single biggest catalyst for the Palestinians' flight. By UN estimates, 750,000 Palestinians had fled their homes by the end of the 1948 War of Independence, roughly 60 per cent of Palestine's pre-war Arab population.

Mention Deir Yassin these days to most young Israelis and it will fail to register. Not far from the Kfar Shaul hospital, two teenage boys shake their heads at a question on Deir Yassin. Never heard of it, they say.

"Most Israelis treat the subject with total silence," says Professor McGowan. "They no longer deny it, they just don't talk about it."

The decision on whether that silence will now be broken remains in the hands of Israel's courts. "This was a big and important event in our history here. It was the first village we took and has a lot of meaning in the war that came after," says Ms Shoshani. "We have to deal with our past for our own sake."

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Sunday, 7 April 2013

Deir Yassin Remembered - PLEASE CIRCULATE


 DateFriday, April 5, 2013 at 1:19PM AuthorGilad Atzmon

Introduction by GA: Once again Zionist join forces with their ideological twins, the Anti Zionist Zionists (AZZ). I have learned today that due to pressure, Deir Yassin Remembered's (DYR) commemoration in Glasgow was cancelled. In spite of the difficulties Mr Abdallah Eid, a survivor of the Deir Yassin, will still commemorate Deir Yassin as planned and I urge you to join him at the event.


PLEASE CIRCULATE
As you will see, the event in Glasgow (see below) to mark the 25th anniversary of the consecration of the first ever Deir Yassin memorial outside Palestine has been cancelled.
Of course, this is a pity but Mr Abdallah Eid a survivor of the Deir Yassin massacre will still commemorate Deir Yassin as planned at the Deir Yassin memorial as below.
Anyone who wishes to join him will be most welcome.

12 noon Sunday 7 April 2013
@ the Commemorative Plaque,
Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum
Glasgow

Dear Friend
The event to mark the anniversary of the Deir Yassin massacre on Sunday 7 April 2013 has been cancelled.

We apologise for this and for any inconvenience it may cause.
Yours sincerely
Brian Filling

Dear Friend
25th anniversary of the laying of the Commemorative Plaque and 65th anniversary of the massacre


Deir Yassin Remembered
12 noon Sunday 7 April 2013
@ the Commemorative Plaque,
Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum
Glasgow
Speakers include:
Abdallah Eid, Deir Yassin survivor
Lord Provost of Glasgow Cllr Sadie Docherty
Wael Shawish (Scottish Friends of Palestine)
Mike Kirby (Scottish Secretary UNISON)

Followed by a Reception at 1pm at the STUC, 333 Woodlands Rd., Glasgow.

You are invited to join the Memorial Gathering at the plaque at Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum (west side) to commemorate the massacre of Palestinians which took place at Deir Yassin, Jerusalem, on 9 April 1948.

The murder of over 100 Palestinians by the Urgun (headed by Menachem Begin) and Stern gangs with the assistance of an elite unit from the Haganah, led to the flight of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes, an event known as al-Nakba, "the Catastrophe". The aim of the "Deir Yassin Remembered" campaign is to erect a memorial on the site of the massacre and at the same time raise the plight of the Palestinian people. For more information about the campaign visit http://www.deiryassinremembered.org/

In 1988, on the fortieth anniversary of the massacre, a plaque was laid and a tree planted in the grounds of Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum by the then Lord Provost of Glasgow, Robert Gray. This year is the 25th anniversary of the laying of the plaque
We hope you will be able to join us at the Memorial Gatherin
g and thereafter at the Reception.
Yours sincerely

Brian Filling
DYR Coordinator (Scotland)

RSVP (for catering purposes): b.filling@btintern
 
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The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Thursday, 12 April 2018

70 Years of Nakba: The Deir Yassin Massacre Sparked 750,000 Palestinians to Flee Their Homes, and the Establishment of the Zionist State

Deir Yassin old photo 7bff1
Some memories permeate our very existence and penetrate our collective consciousness for generations. Survivors of al-nakba continue to preserve these indelible memories in every wrinkle lining their faces and in every cell and fragment of bone in their bodies that continues to remember the assaults against their homes, human dignity, and existence. Each remembered grievance swims in their veins like pieces of hardened shrapnel that never dissolved in time. And while there are some things we must forget in order to heal and survive, some things we simply cannot afford to.
Survivors remember the loss of innocence that every generation to come would possess as result of the slaughter that was committed in Deir Yassin. More than any single incident in Palestinian memory, Deir Yassin continues to stand out, not because of the bloodshed or gruesomeness of this particular massacre but because of the depth of its injury. It became a haunting symbol of the Palestinian Nakba, which sparked 750,000 Palestinians to flee their homes, and the establishment of the Zionist state that was predicated on the erasure of Palestine.
Today, I don’t write about Deir Yassin to recount the details of the unspeakable horrors – the mutilated bodies, rape and theft, children slaughtered in their mothers’ arms, and bodies riddled with bullets and disemboweled by the Irgun and Haganah. Today, I remember Deir Yassin as a testament that al-Nakba is not over; that its precedent remains eternal. I remember that a sense of personal responsibility is increasingly attenuated when it comes to Palestine, and that the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people, starting with Deir Yassin, was not just ‘allowed’ to occur.
Seventy years later, the stone homes of Deir Yassin remain standing less than one mile in clear sight of the Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum, a shrine where every known victim of Germany’s genocide is currently recorded. They stand with stubborn determination as chilling reminders of the slaughters that remain a bloodstain on the conscience of those in this world who stood by and did nothing to intervene.
The irony and hypocrisy are breathtaking.
Zionism’s legacy of state-sanctioned terror, bloodthirsty extermination, and gratuitous violence against Palestinians shamelessly lives on as official acts of state policy. Destroying the Palestinian body is not just history; it is heritage. Al-Nakba was a state of mind long before it became Zionist policy.
The continual pillaging of life, liberty, and land through the seizure and extrajudicial murders of any dissidents and the annihilation of entire families, have been viewed as neither criminal nor extraordinary for over 70 years now. But Israel has never been fully satisfied with merely holding the Palestinian people in its grip, stomping on their necks with their boots and suffocating them under occupation. Zionists and their willing executioners have systematically tried to empty Palestine of all its Arab population beginning with Deir Yassin. Palestinians are deemed an indefinable, amorphous mass of flesh that Zionist aggressors seek to reduce to nothing. Palestinians are continually shot, shamed for bleeding, and rendered completely foreign in their own land.
The acquiescence in the slow, purposeful genocide of the Palestinian people exists as ruthless megalomaniacs sleep soundly on a daily program of sanctioned mass murder, which has become an annual event. Israel has murdered at least 27 people and injured over 1,000 Palestinians in Gaza during this past week alone.
A duty to remember
And as the numbers of survivors of al-Nakba dwindles and the memory of this day begins to fade away, the significance of the archival urgency to preserve the memory is more important than ever. Survivors of massacres, including the Deir Yassin massacre, are gradually dying of old age, and there will come a time when first-hand accounts no longer exist. The fact of their existence will become as fragile as a scent in wind, and that’s exactly what Zionist aggressors seek. Today, I remember that as the old die, it is more vital than ever for the young to remember and preserve the memories with constant vigilance. To struggle for the memory of our ancestors, whose lives were not chapters and footnotes in redemptive history.
This is not a choice; it is an obligation and sacred duty.
Every time we share our narrative, the forces of denial are prepared to distort and disfigure it, and to selectively unearth the version from history that seeks to legitimize their own hegemonic interpretation and vision. They seek to silence anything contrary to their own narrative in hopes that we forget our own in time. But every time we remember and share, we continue to revive our homeland.
Our collective narrative remains our permanent record and testimony to our existence, and while our villages’ names are still spoken by tongue and through the written word, they will never be erased or exterminated. Our legacy remains preserved amid the determined sabr (cactus plants) growing and retaining seeds of resistance, in the salty scent of the sea and sweet orange blossoms of Yafa, and in the grace and elegance of the cobbled streets of Jerusalem/Al-Quds where the echoes of the chants of the athanand the chimes of church bells ring louder than the discordant beat of Israeli military boots. It thrives in the visceral resistance configured to our DNA, passed down generation after generation.
The blood of Deir Yassin courses through my veins and the veins of the child I carry – a future storyteller who will continue to imperturbably bear witness through the stories we guard as our children’s inexhaustible legacy. Generations have taken an oath, consecrated in the blood of slain mothers, butchered fathers, and asphyxiated children to ensure that the blood of the Palestinian people will not be shed with impunity or forgotten. Their sacrifice will remain forever in the souls and blood of every new life.
In the immortal words of the late Dr. Edward Said, I will continue to remember Deir Yassin because “To recall Deir Yassin is not just to dwell on past disasters, but to understand who we are and where we are going. Without it, we are simply lost.”

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   
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