Monday, 21 May 2012

In Search of Egypt’s Fifth President: Ahmed Shafik

Egyptian potential presidential candidate Ahmed Shafik attends the Coptic Christmas eve mass at the main cathedral in Cairo 6 January 2012. (Photo: Reuters - Amr Abdallah Dalsh)
 
Published Sunday, May 20, 2012

In Al-Akhbar’s fourth interview with Egypt’s presidential candidates, Mubarak’s former prime minister talks about Saudi Arabia, the US and his hope for economic revival.
Mohammad Khawly: What made you run for the presidential elections?
Ahmed Shafik: The deteriorating situation, the disarray facing the country, and the wrong decisions taken at the wrong time were a clear reason for announcing my candidacy in an attempt to rescue the country.

MK: Do you think the revolution was in your favor?

AS: Of course, it was a big blessing for me. Otherwise, I would not be running in the presidential elections.

MK: But you were one of the foundations of Mubarak’s regime, actually his last prime minister. Many accuse you of being a fuloul [remnant].

AS: This accusation does not bother me at all. It does not even move a hair on my head. There is a big difference between being part of Mubarak’s regime and serving the Egyptian state. I was never a fuloul nor a part of Mubarak’s regime.

MK: But there are those who contend that you said you look up to Mubarak?
AS: I did not say this and my statements were misunderstood. I said that my father was my idol.
But I used to admire Mubarak two years ago. I said that the man has characteristics that cannot be denied. He is very capable of separating between personal and professional relationships, in addition to being serious and committed.
 

MK: Some accuse you of being the candidate preferred by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). You even said earlier that you asked the permission of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi before deciding to run.

AS: My personal relationship with Tantawi entitles me to speak to him before taking such a position. It was out of friendship and not because he presides over the council which currently rules the country. I am a candidate for all the Egyptians and not a particular side.
The military establishment is not a party and does not pick candidates for elections. But my military experience makes me different from other candidates. It allows me to be knowledgeable about files related to national security.

MK: How would you react if there was a new revolution against you if you won the elections?

AS: The first revolution won because it was supported by all Egyptians. If I win the elections, it will no longer have such legitimacy. The people would have used the ballot box and decided on the president. Therefore, the next president will be legitimate. Those who would stand against this legitimacy are the ones who will not be legitimate.

MK: Do you support a peaceful departure for SCAF?

AS: I support an honorable, not [merely] a peaceful departure. The disarray faced by the country is the responsibility of the government.

MK: How do you evaluate SCAF’s performance in the transitional period?

AS: Up until now, SCAF has achieved its mission peacefully. The people’s assembly and the Shura council were elected without the seas of blood some were suggesting. It is enough that we did not become a new Syria.

MK: How do you evaluate the current parliament’s performance?

AS: The parliament in its current form abandoned its proper role and has adopted a logic of vengeance against political opponents. This became more true after a particular political side gained majority.
They are proposing laws that serve this majority. The parliament is busy attacking other institutions like Al-Azhar and the Supreme Constitutional Court.

MK: Many stories came out about your intentions to pull out of the race and endorse Amr Moussa.

AS: I never considered that. It is completely untrue. I will stay in the race until the end. These stories are propagated by some Moussa supporters as part of campaigns for their candidate.

MK: If you become president, what will you offer the Copts?

AS: During my term, Copts will not face discrimination, whether in building churches or gaining government jobs. If I win, I will put an end to the Copts’ problems through two legislations in the People’s Assembly to end the sectarian pressure that everyone suffers from. In the past, everyone upstaged the Copts on their issues, but nothing was solved.

MK: On external matters, how will the relationship between Egypt and Israel be during your term?

AS: I will abide by the Camp David agreement with Israel, as with all the agreements and international conventions Egypt signed with countries around the world. But I will attempt to amend some of its articles, especially those related to the Sinai.
There is a primary clause in the agreement that allows the amendment of any article. I will work towards regaining Egypt’s power economically, militarily and politically.
The total power of any country begins with a strong economy, special relations, a deterrent army and the respect of agreements and conventions.
MK: What about Egypt’s relationship with Saudi Arabia?

AS: It is a relationship of brotherhood. I will not allow any act against it under any circumstances. Commitment to strengthen this relationship will benefit the Arab region and the whole of the Middle East. Egypt and Saudi Arabia are the two pillars of this region’s stability. I will not let any disagreements upset relations.

MK: You once said that you are ready to sacrifice all relations with Iran for the sake of Saudi Arabia.
AS: Not exactly. I am committed to having balanced strategic relations with all the countries in the world. I respect Iran as a neighboring country and a prominent actor in the region. But it should not interfere in [other countries’] internal affairs.

Egypt’s relations with Iran are determined by what it will provide, not just for Egypt but all Arab countries, especially the Gulf. But if Egypt’s relations with Iran will impact, even minutely, our relations with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, then Egypt does not need this relationship.

MK: How will you deal with the crisis concerning the Nile’s water and the relationship with Nile basin countries?

AS: The former regime deliberately stayed away from Nile basin countries and Africa in general. This cleared the way for outside hands to mess with these countries due to Egypt’s negligence.
Egypt’s genuine role in the future will be to work towards reuniting African countries. This is vital for Egypt and the rest of the African countries.
Negotiations, projects and strategic collaboration will be prominent in rebuilding relations between Egypt and the rest of Africa. It was neglected by the regime on purpose.

MK: What country will you be most eager to strengthen diplomatic and economic relations with?

AS: Of all of Egypt’s external relations, I will exercise all efforts to have the strongest and best relations with Gulf countries. Especially since power lies in the unity of Egypt with those countries in particular.
Any threat to Gulf countries is a threat to Egypt, because Egypt’s security is part of the Gulf’s security. There will be a strong start between Egypt and Arab Gulf countries based on economic and political relations.

MK: What country will you visit first if you are elected?

AS: The United States of America.

MK: Why?

AS: I will be working toward Egypt’s economic interests, and related political and military affairs. Egypt’s relationship with the US should be seen through the current and future interests of the Egyptian people. It should be based on Egypt’s regional and international position.
It should be based on equality, participation and dialogue. Its main pillar should be the aim for progress. Thus, Egypt will realise the interest of the Palestinian cause based on the fundamental role of the US in the Middle East, but without forgetting the interests of the Egyptian people.

I will also work to reassess material aid received by Egypt from the US. I will act on reaching fruitful economic relations with the US, which will bolster Egypt’s economy. The relationship will be based on friendship, trade partnership and support to the military establishment through technology and arms.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

 
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AlNakba, English Documentary (must watch)

DateSunday, May 20, 2012 at 4:21PM AuthorGilad Atzmon
The wandering who- Gilad Atzmon
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Sunday, 20 May 2012

Reuters & Al Qaeda: Feeding the frenzy ...

Via FLC

 
What is the difference between this idiotic & subversive Reuters reporter & the Al Qaedaesque sites that call on the Sunnis in Lebanon to rise against the 'Persian Army of Lebanon'? You speed through an army checkpoint, guns blazing, wounding a soldier, you deserve to be shot at, whether you are Sunni, Shia', Buddhist or Jew ...and if you die in the process, well, tough!
"...(Reuters) - Lebanese soldiers shot dead two members of an alliance against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in northern Lebanon on Sunday, security sources said, in the latest incident to raise fears Syria's turmoil was spilling over the border into its neighbor.Sheikh Ahmed Abdul Wahid, a Sunni Muslim cleric, and Khaled Miraib, both members of the Lebanon-based March 14 political alliance, were shot in their car as they sped through a Lebanese army checkpoint without stopping, the sources said.
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The ‘Black Sunday’ of Palestine: Oyoun Qarra Massacre, 20.05.1990

Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif carried their small lunch bags with a few bread loaves, a tomato and a sardine can, and said goodbye to their families in the early hours of Sunday 20.05.1990. It was very early in the morning, the sun hadn’t risen yet, and the refugee camps were engulfed in total darkness. The usually busy and noisy narrow roads and alleys were empty and quiet.

The children were still asleep and dreaming of the toy and the colouring book their fathers will bring them back from work. The young women were still asleep and dreaming of the ring and the necklace their fiancés would buy so they could finally marry. The wives sat near their sleeping children and dreamt of the meat their husbands might bring back from work so they could cook a decent meal for the family. The mothers sat in the darkness, watching their children leave to work, and prayed that they reach their working place safe, find a job for the day and get paid so they can repair the leaking roof before the next winter. As they watched them disappear in the darkness, they prayed that their children come back safe to their homes and to their families.

Oyoun Qarra massacre, 6:30 am on 20.05.1990 (Newspaper photo)
The roads and alleys of the refugee camps were quiet and empty, except for the sounds of the marching Israeli occupation soldiers, patrolling the open-air prisons, and holding the entire Palestinian population hostage to occupation and oppression. The roads and alleys of the refugee camps were quiet and empty except for the footsteps of the workers, heading to work in the early hours of the morning, hoping to find work that day, and thinking of their children, their mothers, their wives, their fiancés and hoping to be able to bring back toys, colouring books, food, a necklace and ring and enough money to fix the roof before the next winter.

Some of the victims of Oyoun Qarra massacre (Newspaper photo)

Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif were refugees, their families expelled from their original homes and villages by Zionist terror gangs during the Nakba. Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif were made refugees by the Zionists colonists who ethnically cleansed entire Palestinian villages, demolished them and erased them off their invented Zionist map. Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif came originally from villages that once prospered and thrived. They had beautiful homes with flowers on the window sills, and had fertile lands which were green all year around. They once tended vast olive and apple fields, orange groves and vineyards. 

Some of the victims of Oyoun Qarra massacre (Newspaper photo)
The indigenous people of Palestine, the owners of the land, were forced to live exiled in their own country, were forced to live in over-crowded rooms while Zionist colonizers thrive and live in stolen Palestinian homes, on stolen Palestinian land. And as the Nakba continues, as the catastrophe of the Palestinian people continues, the suffering of the Palestinians knows no end and the injustice done to them and their families is limitless.

To feed their families, and like thousands of fellow Palestinians, Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif were forced to work like slaves for the thieves who stole their lands and homes, were forced to work for the killers who forced their families out of their homes, were forced to work for the Zionists who had made refugees out of them.


Ami Popper

Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif were among a group of over 100 Palestinian labourers from the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip who were waiting at the Oyoun Qarra bus stop to be transported to their working place.

An Israeli occupation soldier, Ami Popper, from nearby Rishon Lezion Zionist colony approached the workers and asked them for their IDs. After making sure all the workers were Palestinians, Popper lined them up, asked them to kneel down in 3 lines, and using his M16 sub-machine gun, he opened fire, killing 7 of them and injuring others.

Zionists passed by the scene of the crime in their cars, saw the Palestinian labourers, young and old, lying on the ground, drowning in pools of blood, their lunch bags scattered around them, and drove on. 


Palestinian worker crying after the massacre (l).
Israeli police checking clothes of the victims (r).
(Newspaper photos)

Zionists passed by the scene of the crime in their cars, heard the Palestinian labourers moan in pain, heard them cry out for help, and drove on. When the Israeli ambulances and occupation police finally arrived to the scene of the massacre, 7 Palestinians were already dead, and instead of providing help to the severely injured, the Israeli police started beating the Palestinians workers who had survived the death machine. And as with all massacres committed by Zionists, the Israeli government rushed to declare Popper deranged. But when it was proven that he wasn’t, he was theatrically ‘tried’ and ‘charged’ with murder in 7 cases.
However, while in detention, the terrorist Popper receives “special treatment”; he was allowed to get married, had 3 children with his wife and is allowed 48-hour furloughs.

In 1997, the Israeli government reduced the prison sentences of 4 Zionist terrorists convicted of murdering Palestinians and ordered the release of a fifth Zionist terrorist. Popper’s sentence of 7 life terms was reduced to 40 years.

Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif were Palestinian labourers from the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip. Like every Palestinian labourer, they woke up every morning to a new day, full of new hopes and new strength to face and defy the occupation, the oppression, the siege, the closure and the Zionist terror. Like every Palestinian labourer, they woke up every morning, went to work because they wanted their children to have food on the table, a roof over their heads, an education and a future that is free of occupation and oppression, a future free of Zionism. And on the morning of 20.05.1990, they woke up early to go to work and buy toys, colouring books and food for their families. But on that day, on ‘Back Sunday’, Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif did not reach work.

The martyrs of Oyoun Qarra massacre (Newspaper photos)
They were massacred by a Zionist terrorist, killed in cold blood by an Israeli occupation soldier, a member of ‘the most moral army in the world’.
They were massacred, they blood spilt, their dreams killed, their lives brutally cut short by a terrorist entity that supports and encourages and is built on terror.

On “Black Sunday”, Abdil Rahim, Ziyad, Zayid, Sleiman, Omar, Zaky and Yousif did not return to their homes with toys, colouring books, meat, rings, necklaces and a promise to repair the leaking roof.

They returned to their waiting mothers, wives, children and fiancés carried on the shoulders of their fathers, sons, brothers and comrades.

They returned to their waiting mothers, wives, children and fiancés soaking in their blood. They returned to their waiting mothers, wives, children and fiancés as bridegrooms of Palestine,

The martyrs of Oyoun Qarra massacre are:
  • Abdil Rahim Mohammad Salim Baraka, 43 yrs, from Khan Younis
  • Ziyad Mousa Mohammad Swe’id, 22 yrs, from Rafah
  • Zayid Zeidan Abdel Hamid Al-’Mour, 33 yrs, from Khan Younis
  • Sleiman Abdel Raziq Mohammad Abu ‘Anza, 22 yrs, from Khan Younis
  • Omar Hamad Ahmad Dahlees, 27 yrs, from Rafah
  • Zaky Mohammad Hamdan Qdeh, 35 yrs, from Khan Younis
  • Yousif Ibrahim Mansour Abu Daqqa, 36 yrs, from Khan Younis
On “Black Sunday”, after news of the massacre spread, protests and confrontations erupted all over occupied Palestine. At least another 6 Palestinians were killed by Israeli occupation forces:

  • Iyad Ismail Abdallah Saqir, 17 yrs from Rafah
  • Shifa’ Naim Ali Al-Hummus, 23 yrs, from Rafah
  • Mousa Ibrahim Abdel-Halim Hassounah, 27 yrs, from Ash-Shati’
  • Ali Mahmoud Mohammad Az-Za’amrah, 21 yrs, from Halhoul
  • Husam Abdel Rahman Abdallah Nazzal, 14 yrs, from Qabatia
  • Wail Mohammad Ibrahim Al-Badrasawi, 22 yrs, from Ash-Shati’
PS: The photos are from newspapers clippings on the massacre which I collected and kept at the time.

© http://avoicefrompalestine.wordpress.com/

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The "Israeli" Police kidnapped Thursday Amro Naffa', 18 years old, the son of Arab Member of "Israeli" Knesset, Sa'id Naffa'.

Local Editor

The "Israeli" Police kidnapped Thursday Amro Naffa', 18 years old, the son of Arab Member of "Israeli" Knesset, Sa'id Naffa'.
The "Israeli" kidnap came after Nafaa refused to go for the so-called "Israel's" compulsory military service.

The young man refused to reject any part of a military that occupies and oppresses the Palestinian people.

Naffa' is from Beit Jin in the occupied Galilee. His four brothers were previously detained and imprisoned for refusing enlistment in the "Israeli" military.

News agencies estimate that "Israel" will be sending Naffa' to court and will likely impose a prison term against him.

The Arab Druze Follow-Up Committee issued a press release saluting "the humanitarian and patriotic stance of Naffa' who chose imprisonment over being part of an army of occupation'.

There are hundreds of Arabs, and Druze inside 1948 Occupied Palestinian territories who have been imprisoned for rejecting the compulsory military services.
They cite their right to refuse to serve in an army that occupies another nation, steals it lands and oppresses it people.

Source: Salam website, Edited by moqawama.org

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ElBaradei: Complementary constitutional declaration attempts to reproduce Mubarak regime

Fri, 18/05/2012 - 12:12
Mohamed ElBaradei (R), Egyptian presidential candidate, Mostafa al-Nagar, al-Adl (Justice) party deputy, during a meeting with party members, Cairo, August 7, 2011. ElBaradei's visit comes in a context of a dynamic political scene in run up to most anticipated parliamentary and presidential elections few weeks ahead.
Photographed by Tahseen Bakr

Mohamed ElBaradei criticized reports that the military council is planning to issue a supplementary constitutional declaration before the presidential election to stipulate the powers of the president without putting it to referendum or referring it to Parliament.

ElBaradei said on Twitter: "The military council will specify the powers of the president without a referendum and two days before the election, how does it have this right with the existence of Parliament?"

ElBaradei, a reformer who recently founded the Constitution Party, added that this procedure represents the "continuation of a transition phase that defies any reason and any legitimacy. The revolution broke out in order to build a new Egypt, and what we see today is a glaring attempt to reproduce and renew the old regime with the same ideology, methods and figures."

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces plans to issue a complementary constitutional declaration on Monday, two days before the presidential election begins, to define the powers and duties of the new president, Al-Masry Al-Youm learned Thursday from political sources.

The amendments will stipulate the duties and powers of the incoming president after political forces failed to reach a consensus over the Constituent Assembly that was to be entrusted with drafting a new constitution.

On 10 April, an administrative court ordered the suspension of the 100-member and Islamist-dominated Constituent Assembly that was chosen by Parliament to write the new constitution ahead of the presidential election. Political forces and Parliament have since been in negotiations to reach a new formation of the assembly.

Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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‘Israel’s Right To Exist,’ Really!

French Catholic Pastor Abbe Pierre (d. 2007) was a member of French resistance against Nazis. He was honored both in France and Quebec for his religious and political views. However, he was hounded by the powerful French Jewish lobby groups for believing that European Jews have no right to occupy Palestine, as the later played no part in the ethnic-cleansing of European Jews.

In May 1996, Pastor Roger Parmentier wrote a letter to French philosopher, Roger Garaudy, who was fined $40,000 by a Paris court for his book ‘The Founding Myths of Israeli Politics’.

The Founding Myths of Israeli Politics
You have proved that you love the Jews infinitely more than those who give lessons. But here you are, you also love the Palestinians and Arabs in general, the majority of whom are Muslims, but sometimes Christians. All Palestinian or Arab brothers who, for generations, have been humiliated, colonized, dispossessed, bashed, imprisoned, starved. And you have reason to love them and to want justice and peace for them. Nobody understood (and nobody explained, either) that it is because of them that you embarked on the mad enterprise that consists in trying to explain (to the ignorant and to people who do not want to know) the consequences of the horrible extermination of Jews, or the fate of the Arabs, who had nothing to do with Polish or Russian pogroms, the Dreyfus Affair, the concentration camps, or the Nazi extermination. And yet, it is they who are dispossessed. What is contested is not the abjectness and horror of antisemitic massacres, it is their use to justify the creation and permanent expansion of the State of Israel and to cover up mad injustices. To make of “Auschwitz” a political argument to support Israel is to run the risk that this argument be contested. And when the historical reexamination of the Nazi period is refused, when the files are closed, is not that really to prevent the questioning of the legitimacy of the State of Israel and its behavior? Yet history will prevail. One day, everything will be known“.

This brings me to a brilliant article by a political analyst, Sharmine Narwani, and published in Al-Akhbar.

Except of course the Holocaust is not my fault – or that of Palestinians. The cold-blooded program of ethnically cleansing Europe of its Jewish population has been so callously and opportunistically utilized to justify the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian Arab nation, that it leaves me utterly unmoved. I have even caught myself – shock – rolling my eyes when I hear Holocaust and Israel in the same sentence,” she wrote.

What moves me instead in this post-two-state era, is the sheer audacity of Israel even existing. What a fantastical idea, this notion that a bunch of rank outsiders from another continent could appropriate an existing, populated nation for themselves – and convince the “global community” that it was the moral thing to do. I’d laugh at the chutzpah if this wasn’t so serious,” she adds.
Even more brazen is the mass ethnic cleansing of the indigenous Palestinian population by persecuted Jews, newly arrived from their own experience of being ethnically cleansed,” she wrote.

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Madeleine Albright and Iraq Genocide Memorial Day

By Felicity Arbuthnot

'Get some new lawyers.' -- 1999: Then US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to UK Foreign Secretary Robin Cook on his assertion that the bombing of Balkan States was illegal under international law.

In this sixteenth anniversary year of Madeleine Albright stating her endorsement of half a million child sacrifices at the altar of the UN Embargo on Iraq as a “price worth it”, this silent holocaust is to be commemorated annually.

In New Haven, Ct., On 12th May, marking the day of Albright’s infamous broadcast, a banner was unfurled and a minute’s silence held as the Middle East Crisis Committee, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CT), the Tree of Life Education Fund and We Refuse to be Enemies, inaugurated the first Iraq Genocide Memorial Day.

Stanley Heller, Chair of the Middle East Crisis Committee commented: “This horrific loss of life was ignored for six years until the US Ambassador to the UN appeared on ’60 Minutes’ and admitted the deaths of half a million children … We in the Middle East Crisis Committee call for May 12th to be marked as Iraq Genocide Memorial Day.”

Iraq’s children of course, continued to die at an average of six thousand a month until the illegal 2003 invasion wrought further apocalyptic disaster. Currently many hospitals are assessed as even more woeful than under the embargo, thus they continue to die in a near forgotten tragedy of UN-US-UK making. Soaring cancers and birth deformities linked to weapons used in the 1991 bombings, twelve years of subsequent bombings, 2003 and the following years have exacerbated and compounded a tragedy of enormity.

As others accused of crimes against humanity and the peace end up at the International Criminal Court (but so far, only if black or Eastern European, it seems) Albright gathers a bizarre collection of “humanitarian” awards.

One of the strangest is surely the Freedom Award from the International Rescue Committee, initiated by Albert Einstein which: “responds to the world’s worst humanitarian crises and helps people survive and rebuild their lives (offering) lifesaving care and life-changing assistance …” Endorsing infanticide hardly falls within the IRC’s lofty stated aspirations.

Two years after her statement on disposable children, Albright, now having abandoned further tarnishing the United Nations fine founding aspirations, to become US Secretary of State, declared (February 1998) : "Iraq is a long way from (here), but what happens there matters a great deal here. For the risks that the leaders of a rogue state will use nuclear, chemical or biological weapons against us or our allies is the greatest security threat we face."

A year later, the 1999 razing of much of the Balkans became known as “Madeleine’s war.” The largely unrecognized nation of Kosova, carved from that decimation is now rated one of the most corrupt and lawless countries in the region and high in world ranking, according to December 2011 findings by Transparency International.

Talking after the virtual destruction of Iraq as a nation state, it’s records, government institutions bombed, looted, stolen, she told Jim Lehrer in September 2003: “ … I think we actually ... kept him (Saddam Hussein) in a strategic box. We bombed very much if you remember all the maps, always in terms of North and South -- covers a great portion of Iraq. I think we had him in the box.” No mention that both the bombing and the “box” were comprehensively illegal.

As ever, the majority of “bombed” victims were Iraq’s children for whom her contempt was seemingly boundless: small rural shepherds and goat herders tending the family flocks on the vast flat tundra, with no place to hide.

One politician with whom she had sparred did take a stand in vast contrast. Robin Cook, Britain’s Foreign Secretary resigned in protest two days before the invasion. His resignation speech in Parliament on 18th March 2003 was a searing indictment of stark double standards on dealing with Iraq. Deliberate selective perception which could now equally apply to threats to Iran:

“I have heard it said that Iraq has had not months but twelve years in which to complete disarmament, and that our patience is exhausted”, he began.

“Yet it is more than thirty years since (UN) Resolution 242 called on Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories.

“We do not express the same impatience with the persistent refusal of Israel to comply.”

He talked of: “ … the strong sense of injustice throughout the Muslim world at what it sees as one rule for the allies of the US and another rule for the rest.”

Britain’s credibility was not: “helped by the appearance that our partners in Washington are less interested in disarmament than they are in regime change in Iraq.

“That explains why any evidence that inspections may be showing progress is greeted in Washington not with satisfaction but with consternation: it reduces the case for war.

And as Iran now, he pleaded that: “Inspections be given a chance (that the UK was) “being pushed too quickly into conflict by a US Administration with an agenda of its own.

He asked for the halt of: “commitment of troops in a war that has neither international agreement nor domestic support” and ended: “I intend to join those tomorrow night who will vote against military action. It is for that reason alone, and with a heavy heart, that I resign from the government.”

On the first anniversary of the invasion he stated in Parliament: “It seems only too likely that the judgment of history may be that the invasion of Iraq has been the biggest blunder in British foreign and security policy in the half century since Suez. “In truth we would have made more progress in rolling back support for terrorism if we had brought peace to Palestine rather than war to Iraq.”

Robin Cook died of a heart complication whilst hill walking on remote Ben Stack in Scotland, coincidentally within a swathe of land owned by the Duke of Westminster, a Major General and at the time Assistant Chief of Defence Staff, who visited British held Basra a number of times after the invasion.

His death was on the 6th August, 2005, Hiroshima Day and the fifteenth anniversary of the imposition of the all denying embargo on Iraq. A price Robin Cook had clearly not thought “worth it.”

It has to be hoped that Iraq Genocide Memorial Day spreads worldwide both in memory of those abandoned by the inspiring words committed to in the UN Charter, the numerous hidden casualties, dead and alive – and as a reminder that for a great swathe of the world, mortifyingly, it is the West which appears to be increasingly despotic.

- Felicity Arbuthnot is a journalist with special knowledge of Iraq. Author, with Nikki van der Gaag, of Baghdad in the Great City series for World Almanac books, she has also been Senior Researcher for two Award winning documentaries on Iraq, John Pilger's Paying the Price: Killing the Children of Iraq and Denis Halliday Returns for RTE (Ireland.) She contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.

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Israel Lobby: ‘Turkey is an ally against Islamists’

Last August I posted how Turkish prime minister Erdogan is fighting US-Israel proxy war against Islamic and democratic revival in the Muslim world. My views have been confirmed by a new Task Force Report issued by the powerful Israel lobby group, the Council on Foreign Relations, which has concluded that even though AKP government in Ankara has angered Israel and its supporters in the United States – it’s still the best card in Washington’s hand to stop anti-USrael Islamists coming into power in Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, Yemen, Lebanon and other parts of the Muslim East engulfed by the ‘Arab Spring’ and supported by Iran and Syria.

The report is important, as it’s written by several American pro-Israel heavyweights. The panel was headed by Madeliene K. Albright, the butcher of US-Iraq War – with Stephen J. Hadley, Bush’s national security council adviser, Steven A. Cook, senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies, a Zionist think tank, Soner Cagaptay (WINEP, an arm of AIPAC), Robert Kagan (Jewish Brookings), Parag Khanna (New American Foundation, a neocon think tank), etc.

Turkey is a rising regional and global power facing, as is the United States, the challenges of political transitions in the Middle East, bloodshed in Syria, and Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. As a result, it is incumbent upon the leaders of the United States and Turkey to define a new partnership in order to make a strategic relationship a reality,” says the report.
Top American Jewish investgating writer and blogger, Stephen Lendman, wrote the other day that the bloodshed in Syria and the US threats against Iran are to remove Israel’s regional rivals. The anti-Bashar rebels are foreign insurgents, armed, trained and financed by the US, France, Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Qatar.

In January, Barack Obama called Erdogan, one of his five international best friends. Nope, Ahmadinejad was not among those five ‘chosen ones’!

In March, Obama held a 90-minutes private meeting with Erdogan at Grand Hyatt Seoul, during which they shared their future plans for Syria and the Islamic Republic.

After the meeting, a jubilant Obama told reprters that “they’re very much in agreement” that transition to legitimate government in Syria (a regime change) is needed. Obama added that Erdoğan is an “outstanding” partner. “As people with a conscience, we cannot remain spectators and have to do something (about Syria) via international law,” boasted Erdogan in response.

Many analyst believe that Washington is pushing Ankara into a proxy war with Syria and Iran. The US-Israel-Saudi axis of evil need Turkey in their effort to further corner Assad regime in Syria and isolate its allies in Lebanon and Iran – but want to prevent a shift in regional power away from Israel and Saudi Arabia to Turkey – though recognized as a ‘democratic and economic model’ for the Muslim world by many western regimes.

Rats desert a sinking ship, fools ride
Syria has become a test ground for Turkey. If it attacks Syria or joins US-NATO’s ‘humanitarian invasion’ of Syria – Turkey could end up in the same sinking boat as the US, which has become the most hated country in the Muslim world for its blind support for the Zionist entity and the brutal authoritarian regimes in the Muslim East – and for not taking assertive action in the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

The Justice and Development Party (AK Party), though born into a Islamic political movement, has long left its Islamic credentials behind. It has turned into a Turkish Muslim Nationalist party. Erdogan, himself, has claimed that he is Turk first and Muslim afterward.

To understand the ‘Tripple Aliance’ between the US, Israel and Turkey, I highly recommend Jewish professor Michel Chossudovsky’s (University of Ottawa) 2006 article here.

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Saad Hariri: One Year Leading by Remote Control

Saad Hariri appears on a giant screen during a televised speech in Biel Center, Downtown Beirut. (Photo: Haitham Moussawi)

Published Saturday, May 19, 2012

Scene One: Saad Hariri put a piece of property up for sale in the Barbir area. According to sources close to the Saudi embassy in Beirut, the property forms part of a plot of land the Saudis want to turn into housing projects for the people of Beirut.

The sale of the land is not particularly noteworthy. Its value is merely pocket change for Hariri. The surprise lies in the names of those who stepped in to buy it.

They are the president of Riyadi (Sporting) Club, Hisham Jaroudi, the “republic’s contractor” and businessman, Jihad al-Arab (brother of the head of Hariri’s personal security detail), and the former head of Future TV, Nadim al-Munla.

All three had built or expanded their wealth under the Hariri family mantle. Ultimately, the land went to al-Arab for around US$37 million.

Scene Two: Early last month, Salwa Siniora, sister of former prime minister Fouad Siniora, was appointed as head of the Hariri Foundation. A confidant of Saad Hariri commented that nothing says “Hariri’s out” more than “Siniora’s in.”

Scene Three: A young Future Bloc MP starts a discussion with “friends” on Facebook. A young man from Bekaa immediately replies, “As a Sunni, I am no longer convinced that those in the Future Movement represent me. We only have two representatives today: Saleh al-Machnouk and [Salafi] Sheikh [Ahmad] al-Assir.”

Dozens of young supporters of Future Movement are repeating this statement in Tariq al-Jdideh, Central Bekaa and even in Saida. They say so directly in interviews and on social media.

Scene Four: Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir, imam of the Bilal Bin Rabah Mosque in Saida, attacks Saad Hariri personally and denounces him as a total failure, even at skiing. He said it publicly in the mosque then repeated it in an interview on LBC. Not one Future supporter came out in protest, even online.
 

Scene Five: A member of the Syrian opposition met a “Hariri” activist prior to the Future Movement May 6 festival, which commemorated the May 2008 armed battles between March 8 and March 14 supporters. He asked who would be speaking. The Lebanese activist replied saying it was president Hariri. The Damascene activist replied, “This will demoralize the revolution.”

Scene Six: The brother of detained Shadi Mawlawi says that if his brother is not released there will be an escalation in Tripoli. When asked to describe the escalation, he said he will discuss it with the city’s sheikhs.

He did not mention the Future Movement or any of its officials. He did not even think of Hariri, who had released a statement on the first day of the clashes. The Twitter pronouncement did not make an impression on the capital of the North.

But while the street ignored Hariri’s statement, this did not stop him from being considered the main Sunni authority by the political leadership [of the country].

The army did not enter Tripoli until after they received the official “Sunni” cover of PM Najib Mikati and its popular counterpart from Saad Hariri.

The scenes described above summarize to a large extent the situation of the Future Movement and its president who a few days back completed a year of absence from Lebanon. Back then, Sheikh Saad packed his bags and left without saying goodbye to friends and loved ones.

He did not say he was emigrating nor did he say when he will come back. Even a year later, he has yet to explain the reasons behind his long absence from Lebanon.
 

Hariri is not completely tied up by the continued presence of the Syrian regime in power, Hezbollah’s weapons, his own financial situation which deteriorated in the last few years, nor his health after he broke his leg skiing in the Alps.

He once spoke of vague security reasons. But people in his circle are divided between the financial trouble excuse and the health reasons with some saying he will come back to Wadi Abu Jamil, the area in downtown Beirut where his residence is located, as soon as he recovers from his Alps injury.
In brief, Hariri does not have a clear date of return. He is more like a missing person, rather than an immigrant.

In Search of a Leader

Many things changed for Hariri as a leader in the past year.

Many of his supporters are no longer shy about scathingly criticizing him. Following his latest televised speech in Martyr’s Square in Beirut, a Future Movement asked one of the Future MPs she saw at a downtown restaurant whether the speech was real or a fantasy.

Hariri’s “ambiguous” performance - to borrow a description used by people close to Hariri and active in his movement - is leading a large section of his audience into a constant state of searching for a leader.

Sometimes they find this leader in the head of the Lebanese Forces Samir Geagea, other times in Sheikh al-Assir or in Saleh al-Machnouk and others who have a clear and confrontational rhetoric, especially against Hezbollah and the Syrian regime.
 

In the meantime, Hariri has become insecure about the situation. That’s why he vetoed speeches by front row leaders in the March 14 festival in Biel. According to the same sources above, he did not want Geagea, who is physically there, to appear as the leader of the “Cedar Revolutionaries” when Hariri is absent.

Inside the Future Movement, the missing president is considered as a “chided” loved one by his supporters who “are now more sympathetic to him as a person who cannot handle responsibility.”
With the original president absent, political leadership falls to Fouad Siniora. He runs the parliamentary bloc meetings, communicates with allies and negotiates various issues with them.

Siniora’s job description has expanded to include foreign relations, especially with Egypt and Turkey and some in Saudi Arabia.
 

As an organization, the Future Movement’s woes have more to do with the lack of money rather than Hariri’s absence. The chronic frailty of the young movement leaves its officials with a lot more words than action.

Externally, the effect of Hariri’s absence on his source of power is no less grave than its impact inside Lebanon.

The political leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan was betting on Hariri before he headed the government and moved to the Grand Serail.

Today, following the events that unfolded in Lebanon and in spite of Erdogan’s vocal support of Hariri’s position on Syrian president Bashar Assad, a member of the Turkish PM’s team saw it fit to say in a private session that “we were wrong to bet on a failure like Saad Hariri.”

KSA’s Lebanon Dossier

In the Saudi Kingdom, something has changed. People close to the Saudi embassy [in Lebanon] speak about a committee set up by Riyadh to oversee the Lebanon dossier. It includes the Foreign Minister, a representative of the Interior Minister, the King’s son Abdulaziz, the current Saudi ambassador to Lebanon, the former ambassador Abdulaziz Khoja and someone from the secret service.

The president of the National Security Council Bandar Bin Sultan sometimes attends or sends a representative. The committee presents its recommendations about Lebanon in general and the conditions of the Sunni sect to the Saudi king.
 

Someone who knows most committee members says that none of them like Hariri or trust his ability to run Lebanon and Sunni affairs. They receive dozens of reports from “sources” in Lebanon. Most complain about Hariri’s performance and absence.

Some in the committee trust Siniora’s handling of affairs. Those who know his relationship with Riyadh say he might be the only person who does not speak ill of Hariri in Saudi Arabia.
This should not mean that Riyadh will abandon Hariri, especially after it provided him with some financial stability. There is a reality that cannot be ignored; people are still drawn to Rafic Hariri’s son, in spite of the recent “Salafi mutiny” in the Tripoli.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
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Hit me, I’ve Not Been Naughty Enough

 
The author of Philosemitism and Brutality, Andrew Hamilton, expresses some strong views positing a sado-masochistic relationship between the Jewish culture and the “whites” in America. Unlike others who describe gentiles as the dominated majority who lost the competition to a tribal community endowed with better networking, superior drive, intelligence a.s.o., Hamilton thinks the white gentiles actually admire and adore the Jews (as the masochist who loves his sadist) for their brutality, superior to theirs. This may not apply to the whole mass of white gentiles but if it does obtain among the those in the upper echelons (who arrived where they are because of their own brutality and greed) it is sufficient to enhance the success of Jewish power.
So, Jewish culture is like any other, only… more so?
—————————————————————-
Excerpted from…

Philosemitism &Brutality

Gentiles, all Gentiles (well, almost all), love the Jews. More than that, they worship them. Why?
There are many reasons, but one is Jews’ innate brutality.

As Sigmund Freud, following French psychologist Gustave Le Bon, wrote in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1922), a group “respects force,” and “What it demands of its heroes is strength or even violence.It wants to be ruled and oppressed and to fear its masters.”

What are a few things virtually synonymous with Jews?

Communism and the murder of tens of millions in Russia and Eastern Europe, “unconditional surrender,” the Morgenthau Plan, the development of the A-bomb to destroy Central Europe, terrorism, Zionism, Irgun, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), Mossad, contemporary war-making, endless foreign intervention and “revolutions from above,” the “Russian” and Jewish mafias, “American” mobsters like Dutch Schultz, Louis “Lepke” Buchalter, and Meyer Lansky, Murder, Inc., the ADL, SPLC, JDL and JDO, AIPAC, the US Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations (OSI), disgusting decades-long persecutions of Ernst Zündel, John Demjanjuk, and dozens of other innocent people, assassination, torture, political correctness, “hate speech” and “hate crime” laws, replacement migration, and arbitrary imprisonment or reputational and financial ruin for exercising one’s freedom of speech or thought.

Strip away the Persecution Myth, the preposterous fairy tale of the “poor, persecuted Jew,” and one is left with Jews as they really are: wealthy, powerful, domineering, self-centered, greedy, lying, cruel, indifferent to the suffering and rights of others, socially, educationally, financially, politically, and ethnically advantaged, racist, top dog, intolerant, violent, mass murdering, genocidal.

Jews are the Bully writ large, quasi-psychotic, not right in the head. (One of their famous gangsters was nicknamed “Bugsy” for that reason.) Paradoxically, this fundamental disconnect from reality enhances rather than detracts from their power.

Jewish behavior is not constrained by internal morality or external laws. And no de facto countervailing power exists.

When present in sufficient numbers, and their power becomes consolidated, Jews distort both state and culture.

The state becomes little more than a Jewish instrument or tool, a criminal enterprise vested with the veneer of authority. The governments of the world, including transnational and international organizations, are thereby delegitimized. Force and power supplant organic forms of authority.

In the Jewish-Gentile dynamic, Jews represent the masculine principle, whites the feminine, Jews the brutal sadists, whites the adoring masochists. The greater the psychological, emotional, and physical abuse the victims suffer, the more admiring they become. And it is no false adoration.

Whites are demure, available coquettes in the presence of the psychologically commanding Jew.

Fear of the Jews

Closely related to the same Jewish evil is a diametrically opposite response: “fear of the Jews.” Some whites fail to challenge Jewish attacks upon their race, culture, religion, customs, laws, liberties, or persons not because they love Jews, but because they fear them.
Such fear is well-grounded.

Therefore, one might mistakenly imagine that, in general, fear motivates professions and acts of devotion, while secretly abhorrence trumps fealty.

But it seems likely that genuine love for and worship of Jews is a much greater contributor to Jewish success and power than fear.

Still, there remains the issue of widespread ignorance due to lies and censorship. Most whites are probably completely unaware of the truth about Jews.
If they knew it, would they hate them?

Jews assume so. That’s one reason rigid censorship goes hand-in-hand with Jewish power. (Totalitarianism is also innate to them.)

But simply because Jews are convinced the truth would harm them does not make it so. Jews entertain many crackpot notions. Conceivably, currently clueless whites could respond to the truth with heightened adoration.

Yet Jews think not. Perhaps they’re right. At any rate, censorship has become obligatory. It’s good for the Jews!
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by Ariadna Theokopoulos
Saturday, May 19th, 2012

Hezbollah’s Unorthodox Fans

Reem Haidar - the woman who during the 2006 war appeared on TV asking for Nasrallah’s cloak to be given to the Lebanese people as a blessing and then received it


Fayyad says that Hezbollah is not troubled by the fact that it has unveiled women among its supporters because that is a private matter for those women. (Photo: Bilal Jawich)
Published Saturday, May 19, 2012

As an openly religious organization, Hezbollah promotes strict adherence to Islamic Sharia among its members. This translates into a largely homogeneous wardrobe, specially among women, making those who dress differently stand out in a Hezbollah crowd.

When Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah’s speeches end, the crowds gather their stuff, grab their children and leave the square. Only Randa Ghulam stays behind.

She enthusiastically waves to the image of Sayyid Hassan on the screen, as he often addresses crowds through a video-feed due to security.

“I wave to tell him I’m here, as usual I’ve came to support him. Of course he knows that a lot of people support him but I feel that he needs to see me here,” says Ghulam.

One time, she kept on waving at him by herself before he disappeared off the screen and he smiled. She felt as though he was thanking her. This smile was for her. She is sure of it even though people make fun of her story.

Who is Randa Ghulam? Perhaps not many people know her by name, but many do know the woman with the blond hair and colored eyes that the cameras zoom in on during most Hezbollah festivals.
But why her? When the media turned their cameras on her, they did not know that she was Christian, which would have made her even more intriguing. What caught their attention was her hair, uncovered for everyone to see, and her great enthusiasm.

Generally speaking, Ghulam does not look like other women at Hezbollah’s celebrations. Large festivals usually attract all kinds of people, but Ashura nights and occasions held at Sayyid al-Shuhada Complex do not normally have a diverse audience.

How does Hezbollah view its unveiled female supporters? Did the party have to adjust its founding discourse in order to attract them? And how does it balance between its internal and external demands?
After Hezbollah’s victory in 2000, all Lebanese found in the withdrawal of the Israelis a reason to celebrate. This enhanced the party’s popularity far beyond its membership.

According to researcher and sociology professor, Huda Rizk, Hezbollah continued to adopt a somewhat hardline religious discourse until 2004, when the question of extending former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud’s term was proposed. In view of this political situation, Hezbollah realized that it needed wider public support to maintain its influence. In Rizk’s opinion, this was when the party clearly turned its attention to local communities.
 

MP Ali Fayyad, from Hezbollah’s Loyalty to the Resistance parliamentary bloc, argues that “Hizbollah developed its Lebanese and Arab discourse... Its discourse became less ideological and more political and open.”

He adds: “It is true the party has certain religious and political standards for joining it, but the social milieu that makes up its supporters has become very large and is not restricted to the Shia sect. The resistance aspect of the party meets the expectations of a large number of Lebanese people across sects.”

Fayyad says that Hezbollah is not troubled by the fact that it has unveiled women among its supporters because that is a private matter for those women.

From a certain perspective, the party considers this phenomenon a positive one. It shows that the party’s supporters are not monolithic but rather come from different backgrounds.

Reem Haidar
Rizk says that from a media perspective, i.e. externally, the party is open to unveiled women and accepts them because it needs them to show an image of openness in the Arab and Western worlds and it needs their political support.
But what kind of relationship can the party develop with unveiled women?

Here the situation is different. The steps that the party can take towards its unveiled women, so to speak, is quite limited.
For example its relationship with Reem Haidar - the woman who during the 2006 war appeared on TV asking for Nasrallah’s cloak to be given to the Lebanese people as a blessing and then received it - who after all the media fanfare was limited to paying tributes.

Despite her support for the resistance, Haidar was not able to enter the party’s headquarters because certain standards are required.


Rizk says “the party wants to make sure that people who are socially different from it are not hostile to it. But if you are an unveiled Shia woman, then it’s a different story. Such a woman can not be brought into prominence in the party because she can not be a role model.”

There are many unveiled women like Haidar that support the resistance and its leader. For some of them, the cause and the idea of resistance take priority, while others fall under the spell of Nasrallah and his charisma.

Nasrallah is perceived by women as very different from the religiously strict people in the party that reject unveiled women. For them, Nasrallah represents the image of openness in the party and will accept them as they are.

But no matter how enthusiastic these women are in their desire to serve the resistance, there will not be a place for them in the ranks of the party.

Six years after her story, Haidar says that having realized she will not be allowed to do any useful work, she no longer wants to be the “party’s Cinderella,” i.e., that girl that becomes famous because of the prince and that’s it.

As for Ghulam, her story with Nasrallah is far from over. From “outside,” she does not know how to support the resistance and especially its leader. In her opinion, all she can do is attend all the party’s public events.
 

She says she has an obsession with “Sayyid Hassan.” Every free minute she has she thinks about him. She wonders, “is he OK? Is he eating? Is he drinking? Is he breathing?”

She lives for the dream of meeting him. She goes to the party’s celebrations so he might see her as she sees him.

For her, he is “a gift from God, he is a brother and a father and a son and a symbol of purity.”

Nasrallah, who himself served on the front and gave his son as a martyr, is the symbol of resistance.
She lights a candle for him every time she prays and on his birthday, August 31, she lights as many candles as his age on a special cake.

Among the pictures she has of him at her house, one has a green and red background and she puts it on top of the Christmas tree instead of a star.

When asked if she would have had the same views about the resistance had someone other than Nasrallah been the secretary-general of Hezbollah. She says: “Of course, if he had the same beliefs, character, passion and strong personality!”

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
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