Uprooted Palestinians are at the heart of the conflict in the M.E Palestinians uprooted by force of arms. Yet faced immense difficulties have survived, kept alive their history and culture, passed keys of family homes in occupied Palestine from one generation to the next.
The Lebanese Forces Party can talk whatever it wants about the idea of resigning from the government to conclude that there is no reason to resign, because it knows in advance that it got engaged in a game of authority, so the decision to get out of it is no longer easy, as it knows that there is no outcome for its presence in the government at the level of the slogans and the objectives which it foreshadowed in order to change the compass of the country and the performance of its institutions, but the outcome at the level of the authorial presence has become restricting, and the balance in approaching the next electoral path requires to combine between the meaningless political and programmatic staying in the government, which is needed for the electoral alliances and some of the electoral services and between the critical political language to the extent of talking about resignation in order to control the partisan rules that raised the ceiling of their aspirations due to the promises of different governmental performance.
The Lebanese Forces Party has collided with its new and old allies; Al Mustaqbal Movement and the Free Patriotic Movement in two main issues that draw the governmental diaries during the past and the future regarding the files of mandates and appointments, but it only got the right of reservation, Its objections were not taken into consideration regarding the adoption of standards that contribute in building the country according to controls that prevent the corruption and stop the act of favoritism, and it did not get any indirect share which ensures an appropriate satisfaction that makes it feel of partnership, and makes the burdens of defending for staying in power equal to the benefits of being in it. While in the pivotal important issues in the governmental act as the law of the parliamentary elections, the general budget, and the series of positions and salaries the Lebanese Forces Party was certain that the equation of the rule is led by Al Mustaqbal Movement, The Free Patriotic Movement, Hezbollah, and Amal Movement, and it was certain that it did not get a share as the share which the fifth partner the Deputy Walid Jumblatt got, since the available role of the Forces is to be a partner in losses not a partner in gains.
To be a partner of losses not a partner of gains is a role accepted by Hezbollah in its relation with the institutions of the government within a convincing equation, it is not an outcome of weakness and marginalization as the case of the Forces, however it is a result of the surplus of power. Hezbollah puts among its priorities its war in Syria and its readiness to confront Israel, just for that it tries to adjust the rhythm of politics internally towards more of stability and to be away from the dangers of strife. Its disinterest towards the authority is a source of attraction of the political class away from disputing it for its position in its major files; it restricts its authoritarian interventions into issues which it managed with the cooperation and the coordination of an ally and a strategic peerless partner who is the Speaker Nabih Berri. These axes are related to the services and the appointments, while its direct interventions are present in the crucial situations on which it left its imprint, especially the law of the parliamentary elections and the depending on the relativity in it.
The Lebanese Forces Party cannot claim a role that is similar to the role of Hezbollah, on one hand; this party stands on the banks of losers and the defeated in their regional options and bets, as the war to overthrow Syria, while Hezbollah is at the forefront of the victory alliance. On the other hand, the Forces party lives its crisis with its main allies the Free Patriotic Movement and Al Mustaqbal Movement contrary to Hezbollah which interested in confidence among its main allies the Free Patriotic Movement and Amal Movement, just for that the Lebanese Forces Party needs to talk about the resignation unlike Hezbollah. It talks about the resignation from the position of weakness; it cannot practice it, while Hezbollah has practiced it when it found it necessary from the position of strength without talking about it.
The leaders of the Lebanese Forces party may not pay attention that the partnership in the government this time is different from the previous ones regarding their political course, but they will discover that in the parliamentary elections and on the eve of drawing the alliances that their points of weakness have become clear to their allies and opponents.
When the ministers of the Lebanese Forces party resign, then this means that there is a US-Saudi decision to exert pressure on the President of the Republic and maybe to overthrow the government, therefore the Forces party is left to employ the resignation by gathering some of the opposition groups electorally.
– تستطيع القوات اللبنانية أن تتحدّث ما شاءت عن التداول بفكرة الاستقالة من الحكومة، لتخلص للقول إن ليس هناك ما يستدعي الاستقالة، لأنها تعلم سلفاً أنها دخلت لعبة السلطة وما عاد قرار الخروج سهلاً، بقدر ما تعلم أن لا مردود لوجودها في الحكومة على مستوى الشعارات والأهداف التي بشرت بها لتميّز في الأداء يغيّر وجهة بوصلة الدولة، وأداء مؤسساتها، بينما صار المردود على مستوى الحضور السلطوي آسراً، وصار التوازن في مقاربة المسار الانتخابي المقبل يستدعي الجمع بين بقاء بلا معنى سياسي وبرامجي في الحكومة، لكنه مطلوب للتحالفات الانتخابية وبعض الخدمات الانتخابية، وبين لغة سياسية انتقادية تصل حدّ الحديث عن الاستقالة لضبط قواعد حزبية رفعت سقف تطلعاتها بسبب وعود وردية بأداء حكومي مختلف.
– تصادمت القوات مع حليفيها القديم والجديد، تيار المستقبل والتيار الوطني الحر في قضيتين أساسيتين ترسمان صورة اليوميات الحكومية خلال ما مضى وما سيأتي، في ملفي التلزيمات والتعيينات، ولم تحصد أكثر من حق التحفظ. فلا أخذ باعتراضاتها تحت شعار اعتماد معايير تُسهم ببناء الدولة وفق ضوابط تمنع الفساد وتُبطل فعل المحسوبية، ولا نالت نصيباً تحت الطاولة يضمن ترضية مناسبة، تُشعرها بالشراكة وتجعل عبء الدفاع عن البقاء في السلطة معادلاً للمكاسب المترتبة على الوجود فيها، بينما في القضايا المحورية الهامة في العمل الحكومي كقانون الانتخابات النيابية والموازنة العامة للدولة وسلسلة الرتب والرواتب، فقد تأكّدت القوات أنّ معادلة الحكم يقودها رباعي المستقبل والوطني الحر وحزب الله وحركة أمل، وأنّ ترضية الخاطر التي حصل عليها الشريك الخامس النائب وليد جنبلاط، لم تحصل على مثلها، وأنّ الدور المتاح للقوات هو شريك الغرم لا شريك الغنم.
– شريك الغرم لا شريك الغنم هو دور ارتضاه حزب الله، في علاقته بمؤسسات الحكم ضمن معادلة يستطيع الاقتناع بها وإقناع قواعده بضرورتها. فهي ليست حاصل الضعف والتهميش كحال القوات، بل نتيجة فائض القوة، فحزب الله يضع في أولوياته حربه في سورية واستعداده بوجه «إسرائيل»، ولهذا يهتمّ داخلياً بضبط إيقاع السياسة لمزيد من الاستقرار والابتعاد عن مخاطر الفتن، ويرى زهده بالسلطة مصدر جذب للطبقة السياسية عن منازعته على الموقف من ملفاته الكبرى، ويحصر مداخلته السلطوية بمحاور يديرها بالتعاون والتنسيق مع حليف وشريك استراتيجي لا منافسة معه هو الرئيس نبيه بري. وهذه المحاور تتصل بالخدمات والتعيينات، بينما تدخلاته المباشرة تحضر في المحطات الفاصلة التي ترك بصماته واضحة فيها، خصوصاً قانون الانتخابات النيابية واعتماد النسبية فيه.
– القوات لا تستطيع ادّعاء دور شبيه بدور حزب الله، وهي من جهة، تقف على ضفة الخاسرين والمهزومين في خياراتها ورهاناتها الإقليمية، وأبرزها الحرب لإسقاط سورية، بينما يقف حزب الله في طليعة حلف الانتصار. ومن جهة مقابلة تعيش القوات أزمتها مع حليفيها الرئيسيين، التيار الوطني الحر وتيار المستقبل، عكس حزب الله الذي يعيش حال الثقة بحليفيه الرئيسيين، التيار الوطني الحر وحركة أمل، ولذلك تجد القوات الحاجة للحديث عن الاستقالة ولا يجد حزب الله الحاجة لذلك، ولذلك تتحدّث القوات عن الاستقالة من موقع الضعف ولا تستطيع ممارستها، بينما مارسها حزب الله عندما وجدها ضرورية، من موقع القوة ومن دون الحديث عنها.
– قد لا ينتبه قادة حزب القوات أنّ محطة الشراكة في الحكم هذه المرة مختلفة عن سابقاتها في مسيرتهم السياسية، لكنهم سيكتشفون ذلك في الانتخابات النيابية وعشية رسم التحالفات، فقد بانت نقاط ضعفهم لحلفائهم وخصومهم.
– عندما يستقيل وزراء القوات، فذلك يعني أنّ هناك قراراً أميركياً سعودياً بالضغط على رئيس الجمهورية وربما بتطيير الحكومة ويترك للقوات توظيف الاستقالة بتجميع بعض المزاج المعارض انتخابياً.
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