By Soumaya Ali With grand pride and venerability, Islamic Jihad leadership member Khaled Al-Batesh recounts the details of his visit to the South of Lebanon for the first time. He is the man of resistance from Gaza Strip, his place of birth, who is visiting Lebanon for the first time. He is distinguished with obvious humbleness, a neat smile, and a sense of humor that make talking to him so easy. Al-Batesh with the good believer's resolute belief recounts the names of the martyrs in his family and admits the difficulty of the struggle against the enemy, yet he frequently refers to the concept of martyrdom in the South that has placed whatever was inconceivable in the realistic column. According to Al-Batesh, the Palestinian reconciliation is held frozen till after the declaration of the Palestinian State at the United Nations, while the transactional deal of the prisoners exchange has not come into being yet because the enemy is still betting on time. Soumaya: Being a member of the Islamic Jihad in Palestine, what is your position towards the declaration of a Palestinian State within the 1967 borders at the United Nations which the Palestinian Authority currently is endeavoring to realize? Khaled Al-Batesh: With respect to the step made by President Abu Mazen represented in his visit to the United Nations for the purpose of preparing for the declaration of a Palestinian State, I must highlight that we are still tackling an open war with the Zionist entity, and such a struggle requires us to use all the tools and the various forms of resistance on condition that not any step or any mechanism would deprive us of our constant rights or of our national invariables. Thus, heading to the United Nations is not the problem; however, what matters is the groundwork on which that heading is based on. In clearer terms, is that path launched on the basis of the combat against the Zionist enemy for the purpose of retrieving our land within the grand frame of the continuous battle against Israel? Or is going there based on concluding a compromise with the Israeli enemy? The problem in Abu Mazen's step is that it was not set up on the first basis, but it rather came within the context of the political compromise. Subsequently, this step will result in ending the conflict with the enemy, closing the refugees’ file, and certain Arab rulers' recognizing a Jewish state. In the first case, the Islamic jihad is going to be in the middle of the event and is going to play a role in the struggle. Nevertheless, if the step is based on a foundation otherwise, then the Islamic Jihad Movement is absolutely not going to accept relinquishing our national invariables including the right of our refugees, and we’ll certainly not recognize a Jewish state. Soumaya: In case of declaring the Palestinian State with 1967 borders, the Palestinian refugees will have the right to return to the newly set borders of the State, what is your stand regarding this theory? Khaled Al-Batesh: One of the problems that will encounter the Palestinian State within the 1967 borders will surface when the world tells Abu Mazen that the displaced can now return to the 1967 territories, this is certainly going to deprive the Palestinians of their right to return to their homeland. Moreover, this is going to revoke Resolution 194 issued by the UN General Assembly which states the right of the Palestinians to return to their homeland. Subsequently, this solution with 1967 borders is never in the Palestinian national interest, because it is going to deprive the coming generations of striving for their rights. This solution is severe and undermines our sovereignty on our own land. Soumaya: Do we conclude from your say a possibility of inter-Palestinian confrontation in the Palestinian territories in case the Palestinian authority proceeds in a policy you believe is harming national invariables? Khaled Al-Batesh: Since the Movement was founded in the 1980's of the past century; we in the Islamic Jihad have never ever clashed and have never urged on clashing. Nonetheless, we know how to cure our wound. We are going to adhere to our resistance and our Jihad, and the struggle against the Israeli enemy is always open. Soumaya: How would you describe the situation in Gaza Strip politically, militarily, and economically? Khaled Al-Batesh: Gaza Strip is one of the honoring resistance arenas in the Arab region. However, Gaza is under siege and is suffering from a severe crisis connected with the various basics of living on both the economic and social levels. Rafah Crossing is the only lung from which the Gazans breathe. Nevertheless, with the current measures, that crossing never secures the freedom to move for them. As for the social and the economic situation, the people in Gaza live on aids from charity and relief organizations, government salaries in Ramallah, government salaries in Gaza, and UNRWA salaries. The reconciliation has cemented the people's cohesion and strength in the Strip. On the military level that is the struggle against the Israeli enemy, the resistance is ready, and it has learned quite a lot from the lessons during the Israeli aggression in 2008 on Gaza and in 2006 on Lebanon. Soumaya: Regarding the readiness of the Palestinian resistance, how do you describe its military capabilities and readiness in any confrontation with the enemy? Khaled Al-Batesh: I am not a military leader in order to elaborate on such details. However, I can affirm that the resistance in Gaza is in good condition and has military capabilities that can make the enemy bleed and inflict much heavier losses compared to its losses in 2008. The military power the resistance currently possesses in the Gaza Strip is ten times bigger than what it had possessed previously. However, I cannot elaborate on our military readiness. Soumaya: How do you conceptualize the changes occurring in Egypt in the wake of toppling down Hosni Mubarak's regime, namely the breaking into the Israeli embassy, destroying a part of the wall constructed to protect it, and tearing down the Israeli flag? Khaled Al-Batesh: First, regarding the January 25 uprising, we consider what happened in Egypt as an expression against injustice and slavery that had been practiced by Mubarak's regime on the Egyptian citizens. What is occurring in the Arab region generally and what happened in Egypt in particular is but liberation for the Arabian citizen from injustice and despotism. Subsequently, the Egyptians have succeeded in ousting Mubarak's regime. What remains for this revolution is to accomplish all its goals namely the return of Egypt to playing the Arabian role it used to play before, the retrieval of Palestine to the heart of Cairo, and the return of all Egypt to Palestine. Now, we have no intention to overburden Egypt since it is still going through a process of change. Egypt has gone neither for parliamentary nor presidential elections. Therefore, it is still to face due dates on the internal level. While externally, it is still exposed to immense conspiracies by the U.S.A., Israel, and The European Union. It is intended for Egypt to remain in confusion so that free parliamentary elections would not be achieved, and therefore stay inside the sphere of the agreements signed with Israel. The U.S.A. is striving to divide Egypt, so we will not make haste and judge the Egyptian role. However, any revolution remains incomplete unless it clearly defines its attitude towards the Palestinian cause. As for what the Egyptian people did in expressing themselves by heading for the Israeli embassy, this is evidence of the awareness of the Egyptian revolutionists. In addition, heading for the embassy is a genuine realization of the nature of the struggle against Israel. The Egyptian people have given their say: "We do not want this embassy." Soumaya: How are those changes in Egypt going to influence the military situation in Gaza, right from the Rafah Crossing separating Egypt from the Strip? Khaled Al-Batesh: What I can say is that Egypt's whole revenue enhancement is going to be in Palestine. Subsequently, any authentic change in Egypt is going to be in the interest of the Palestinians. It is true that matters are still complicated at Rafah, and that what is happening there does not meet our expectations since Rafah is considered Gaza’ only breathing lung, yet we have started to feel certain positive behaviors at the level of Egypt's connection with Palestine. Soumaya: Do you expect a coming war against Gaza? Khaled Al-Batesh: We expect war against Gaza and similarly against Lebanon at any moment. The Zionist enemy's military doctrine is based on military supremacy, domination, and taking the battles to the enemy’s land; subsequently, inflicting more severe losses on civilians. Maybe Israel’s military defeat at the hands of Hezbollah in 2006 and the resilient defense of Gaza in the 2008 aggression has given the impression to the Israelis that it has become hard to defeat those nations. As for Gaza, maybe the enemy is seeking after more appropriate international or even regional conditions, because the enemy cannot be patient with Gaza anymore. Nevertheless, the enemy is apparently unable to go for this step because the region is witnessing popular uprisings; thus the enemy will prefer not to carry out an aggression against Gaza so that it does not distract the attention from what is happening in Syria. Soumaya: What is your position on the events in Syria? And will the Syrian regime be able to contain the incidents or is the situation going to aggravate? Khaled Al-Batsh: As Islamic Jihad, we call for refraining from bloodshed in Syria. Similarly, we reject any attempt of international interference in Syrian affairs because we cannot forget the role Syria played in embracing the resistance organizations. Undoubtedly, Syria is paying for an international account represented in its stand towards the Palestinian resistance. Nonetheless, we must remark that the Syrian people do have their own requirements. The Syrian people do have the right to be partners in the political life, and this is what we call President Bashar Assad for. Simultaneously, we warn against any international mandate particularly in Syria that certain parties are striving to divide. National and comprehensive Syrian dialogue to reach an agreement on a mechanism so the crisis is terminated is a must. None of all has any choice, whether the protesters or President Bashar, but to sit at the dialogue table. | |||
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River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian
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