Friday, 20 February 2009

Hezballah SG Speech on Feb 16th,09

Link

Thursday, 19 February 2009 19:59


sayyed hassan The text of the speech delivered by Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in the Leader Martyrs Ceremony held in Sayyed Ashuhada (pbuh) Compound in Rweiss on Monday February 16, 2009

First, I like to welcome you all in the ceremony held to commemorate the anniversary of the leader martyrs: starting with the Sheikh of martyrs Sheikh Ragheb Harb to the Sayyed of martyrs Sayyed Abbass Mossawi to the leader martyr Imad Moghniyah. This year the ceremony is so blessed, virtuous and precious as it coincides with the Arbeen anniversary – the occasion of the passing of 40 days on the martyrdom of Sayyed Ashuhada the grandson of the Prophet – Abi Abdullah Al Hussein (pbuh). On this dear anniversary and great day we renew the true concept of Arbeen – the journey of steadfastness after martyrdom on the 10th of Muharram. It's the journey of the captive women and orphaned children led by Zeinab (pbuh) and Imam Zein Al Abdeen (pbuh). It's the journey of endless pains but also the journey of eternal steadfastness, patience, determination and strong will. It's the journey to say a righteous word before a tyrant ruler whatever the risks and the threats are and whatever might await the captives. The journey of the Arbeen is the journey of the voice raised with righteousness which we need after every bloodshed. It's the journey of the throats reverberating with righteousness which we need after each battle. The journey of the Arbeen is the journey of assertion of the cause, revealing oppression, arousing the nation, disclosing falsehood, wiping delusion and spreading the sunny light of all the chaste blood which was shed in the battle.

Thus history records on the Arbeen great words on the intellect, beliefs, emotions, culture, steadfastness, courage, zeal and adherence to one's position whatever the difficulties were. History records words, sayings and speeches from which I recall the following to bless our occasion before ushering on our speech on the leader martyrs in the Resistance, in Palestine and in Lebanon. I recall two stances. When the captives stood before the ruler of Kufa – Bin Ziad – he wanted to rejoice over their misfortune as every enemy tries to do with the family of the martyr. He looked at Zeinab and said: "How did you find what Allah befell your brother?" What does the world expect that woman - who had lost her brothers, Imam and leader, sons and nephews all in one day and in a few hours and bore the pains of captivity and constraint – to say? Zeinab stands there to say: "I didn't find that but kind."

This is the culture of martyrdom. Those martyrs did not die. Those martyrs crossed through martyrdom to an eternal life and to happiness, delight, pride, peace and security. I didn't find that but kind. Those are people whom Allah doomed to fight so they headed towards their death places. As for you O Bin Ziad – you will be questioned on Doom's Day when you raise from the dead to confront them. So those willfully chose heading to their death places through which Allah doomed they'll reach honor, pride and nobleness so that their chaste blood becomes a way of life to the (Prophet's) mission and to the nation until Doom's Day. Still on the other hand, there is he who threatens to kill Zein Al Abdeen for what he said in that Counsel. Thus was the stance which you have always heard all through the past years.

Still I will recall it today before Sayyed Abbass, Hajj Imad and Sheikh Ragheb and every martyr whether man, woman or child: "With death you are threatening us O son of the freed captives! No! Being killed is a habit of ours and Allah blesses us with martyrdom." Because being killed is a habit of ours and Allah blesses us with martyrdom, it's natural that we offer martyrs on the way of our resistance. Thus was the martyrdom of leader Sheikh Ragheb Harb in the very first days of the resistance. His blood highlighted a great title then: the takeoff of the people, the integrity of oil with the stone and stick and steadfastness. One's position is a weapon that backs every weapon with which one fights. Then came the martyrdom of leader Sayyed Abbass Mossawi with his wife and child. This came to stress the resistance as a trend, thought, organization and school in its show in the battlefield which may potentially be organized and developed in all directions. Then came the martyr of leader fighter Hajj Imad Moghniyah which was the embodiment of the resistance development in quality, quantity, intellect, presence, plotting, organization and development in all directions.

With pride and glory we say that we owe our loyalty, blood, might, zeal and culture to those great leaders who fell in Karbala to let Badr and Khaibar battles kindle in the mind of the nation. Henceforth started our resistance and thus our procession was launched and martyrs were offered. Today we meet to commemorate the anniversary of the leader martyrs first to show our respect, and esteem to the sacrifices they offered for Lebanon – all of Lebanon - and the nation – the whole nation. The blood of these martyrs did not restore houses for definite factions or parties on occupied Lebanese territories. They did not restore homes for the Opposition or the Loyalists. No. their blood restored the people of Marjoun to Marjoun, the people of Hasbayya to Hasbayya, the people of Shabaa to Shabaa, the people of Bint Jbeil to Bint Jbeil… They restored the people of every village in the South and West Bekaa to their villages, houses, yards and fields with honor and pride and without anyone begrudging them that. What they offered to the nation in the battle of the resistance yielded fruit very soon on the overall consequences of the struggle with the Israeli enemy and its impact on Palestine and the region. We owe them now this stand of reverence and respect to express our commitment to their path and choice.

There is a disagreement in Lebanon on the great political choices. This disagreement is not new and accidental. In fact it exits since a long time. Let's talk at least about what happened after 1982 and the vast Israeli invasion. Yes, there is a disagreement on the great political choices especially on categorizing Israel, approaching the Israeli project and the means of confronting this project. In Lebanon there are more than one trend and choice. As we are handling events and not a philosophy or an intellect but rather we are describing external events we are living in Lebanon and our nation is passing through. This also extends outside Lebanon to offer more than one choice, viewpoint, trend, suggestion to deal with the greatest catastrophe witnessed by the region for 60 years – this catastrophe is the establishment of the state of Israel on the land of Palestine.

So there are three choices. The first choice - which is in fact not a choice - is recognizing the enemy, submitting to the enemy, collaborating with the enemy, integrating with the enemy and melting in the enemy. Perhaps this was the choice of some groups and some forces or figures but it did not develop in Lebanon or Palestine or in any other country in the Arab world to become a public choice or a popular choice. But aren't there Arab collaborators in Lebanon, Palestine and the Arab world? Aren't there groups that dealt with the Israelis as collaborating groups and not as a political ally? This existed and still exists. But let's put aside this choice. When talking about governments and peoples, practically there are two choices: the choice of a settlement – and I'll be very polite in choosing my expressions because what I care for is the idea and not hurting anyone. So there is the choice of a settlement. What does a settlement mean? It means offering concessions to restore some of what the enemy usurped from us. We make settlements on the land, Al Qods (Jerusalem), the refugees, the water, the security so that the enemy gives us in return a piece of land here or returns some refugees there and the like. This is the choice of a settlement. Practically this choice has proven its failure through all the previous experiences with the enemy.



There is another choice which says: No. This is a usurper enemy. He is an occupier, an aggressor and a war criminal. This enemy has perpetrated war crimes. He established his entity with massacres, killing women and stabbing the wombs of pregnant women and slaughtering children. Consequently, there is no settlement. We hold no rewards for him but rather he must return the right to its owners – whether in good means or through fighting this is another issue. In return to our evaluation of the first choice we find that whenever the Arabs did offer concessions, the Israelis did what in return. They headed towards more wars, assassinations, killing and settlements erecting and more conditions imposing. Can anyone say other than that? This is the truth. I'll give a brief presentation. In 1978, when the final touches were to be put to Camp David Agreement, the enemy executed Allitani Operation in March 1978. The response to Camp David was an attack on Lebanon. Unfortunately many have forgotten that.

I would like to remind you that horrible massacres were perpetrated in Allitani Operation in 1978 including the massacre in the village of Abbassiyeh when scores were martyred in the mosque of the village. After 1978 and in 1982, what was called then the Peace Initiative was presented under the rule of King Fahd. The Arabs were getting ready to agree on this initiative and in fact they did agree on it on 1982 during Fas Summit. During the preparation for the Arab agreement on the Initiative in Fas Summit the greatest Israeli aggression against Lebanon was staged in 1982. Then, that was not called Lebanon War I. After July War, it was called so. In 1991, the Arabs headed to Madrid. Few months later Israel assassinated Sayyed Abbass Mossawi. In 1993, Israel staged the aggression on Lebanon and Oslo Agreement was signed in 1993. The Israeli response was always more assassinations and killing of leaders of the Palestinian Intifada from all factions.

Then came the Aggression of the Grapes of Wrath in April 1996. The victory was in 2000. The Arabs in 2002 went from Beirut – the capital of Lebanon, the capital of the resistance which made the first Arab historic victory on Israel and the Arab Peace Initiative was launched. After a few days – and not months or years – Israel invaded the West Bank in what was called the Preventive War Operation and besieged late President Yasser Arafat in his headquarters in Ramallah. Jenin Massacre was perpetrated against Jenin Camp.

Then in 2006, July War was staged. Following the war, instead of taking the initiative to back the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine, the Arabs made louder cries that support the peace initiative. They set forth their peace initiative which hasn't yet and for years been furnished by an answer from Israel. The first answer came from Sharon. It isn't worth the ink it was written with. The second answer was the invasion of the West Bank. Still the Arabs used to insist and stress on the Arab Peace Initiatives. Thus was Gaza War in 2008. So I am giving evidences and I am not narrating ancient history. I'm talking about modern history and am giving evidences. Whenever we as Arabs used to offer concessions, the Israelis used to add to their haughtiness, arrogance, corruption, killing, assassination and disavowal from previous agreements and greed of our land, holy sites and wealth.

Isn't this the truth? Here I tell you, to the over exaggerated Arab assertion – indeed until before Kuwait Summit because Kuwait Summit gave a good sign that this initiative will not remain for long on the table – the Israeli answer was moving more towards extremism. These were the results of the recent Israeli elections. Before these facts, what is the Arab response, on the level of the nation? What is the Lebanese response to the outcome of the Israeli elections? When such parties and figures come to power, will there be more concessions, award offering and conciliations? Or will there be embracing of the resistance, supporting it, benefiting from the power of the resistance in whatever settlement or negotiation? (I want to give a pragmatic speech). Even if we don't believe in this path, we still tell them: you have a force called the resistance in Lebanon and the resistance in Palestine. Why do you want to sacrifice it for free? Why don't you benefit from these elements of power? In the path you believe in and we believe is wrong – I tell you brothers and sisters and this is a valid question: should we offer all the demanded concessions to Israel and submitted to Israel's current conditions, will that mean achieving true peace in the region? Will that mean that Israel will give up killing, assassinating, corrupting, being insolent and interfering in the others' affairs? Does that mean that Israel will not come – after a settlement is made – to demand water as the world is heading towards a water crisis and demand opening markets as the world is living a serious financial crisis?

A day might come after the alleged peace in which additional millions of Jews in the world would gather and then Israel would demand additional lands as the land of Israel has become overpopulated. Who would guarantee such peace? We are facing a fierce and greedy enemy who always asks for more. Thus on the Leader Martyrs Day, I address you all saying: Indeed from our perspective, it's true we must highlight the serious outcome of the Israeli elections. Still we must not make the people live in illusions and fear. I frankly tell you and recent history stresses this conclusion: there is no difference between all these parties. I even say more: Labor Party is worse that Kadima and not vice versa. Kadima is worse than Likud Party. Likud is worse than Yisrael Beiteinu. Why? That's because the more right and extreme the party is, the less Israeli lying and delusion become and the less Israeli belittling of Arab minds becomes.

History gives evidence: most of the Israeli wars on the Arabs were launched by Labor Party cabinets. So there is no difference between Israeli parties. They might differ in internal economic, social and cultural affairs. But as far as Israel, the Zionist project, the stance towards the rights of the Palestinians, the rights of the Arab peoples, and the viewpoint towards the Arab world, they are all racial, aggressive and savage. They all are children-killers and crimes-perpetrators. What's the difference should Labor, Likud, Kadima or Lieberman come to power on one hand? On the other hand, the good point here is that Israel becomes clearer and more frank. The second point which I want to mention is that there must not be any fear.

We have tried them all. Brothers and sisters if anyone tries to frighten us by them, I say they were all defeated in Lebanon: Begen, Sharon, Rabin, Barak, Netanyahu, Olmert, Livney… Only one is not tried yet. Lieberman. What will he be able to do? Since the Lebanese resistance in all its factions – on top of which the Islamic Resistance - get involved in the battlefield and the fight, Israel did not face in Lebanon but defeat whether in 1984, 1985, 1993, 1996, 2000 and 2006. That's why I tell you don't be frightened by them not because they are not ugly but because you are strong and able to defeat those killers and criminals. Brothers and sisters, following July War, the Israelis made an investigation and formed Vingrad Committee. Among what Israeli generals and political leaders agreed unanimously on is the following: air force alone is not able to win a battle. To decisively win any battle, a vast fierce and swift land incursion is inevitable as did Barak, Ashkenazi, Livney and Olmert used to say.

Here I want to make clear to you that Israel is not as powerful as it used to be in the past. We are not as weak as we used to be in the past – that is if we were so. So they reached this conclusion. Practically in July War, the Israeli Navy came out of the balance following the typical operation staged by the resistance which targeted (Saer) along the coasts of Beirut. All through the war, the Israel Navy was not in the balance. Now the Israelis came to say the Air Force alone is not enough and in whatever future confrontation we will resort to land forces and they talked about plots and demolitions. If you still remember Israeli War Minister then talked about five squads saying he will send these squads to southern Lebanon to occupy the towns and villages and exterminate Hezbollah and resistance fighters from all factions in a quick operation. He said this is unequivocally clear. Some said Israel is making use of lessons. Israel is training, equipping, maneuvering, arming and developing weapons. It has been doing so for more than two years. Then came the experience of Gaza with the miraculous heroic steadfastness of the resistance in Gaza, the people of Gaza, the political leadership, the Palestinian resistance and all the leaders and fighters in the field. It made an excellent additional supplement to the outcome of July War. What is this supplement?

In Gaza. Israel made the same mistakes. For seven or eight days, Israel air-bombarded Gaza thinking again that the air-force is able to win the battle. I tell you again, the air-force is not able to win a battle if there is a brave political leadership and a steadfast people. Indeed with a weak defeated political leadership – I am speaking in general – in any place in the world and with a people who can't bear hardships – the air force is able to win any battle. For seven or eight days, the air force shelled in vain. Then they headed to the second stage which they called the land stage. They went to open areas. Nobody expects the Palestinian resistance to fight in the desert and in that open area. The enemy would beat them. The fighters fortified themselves in towns and residential areas. Still confrontations took place. They fought in many places. The third stage planned by the Zionists was entering Palestinian cities and towns in Gaza Strip. But they didn't enter. Why? Is it because they had no time? This is a poor political analysis. There is no problem if the battle is to be won if it takes one or two weeks. The Americans would overlook that. No they did not enter because they were frightened from entering because they know what is awaiting them in Gaza and its neighborhoods and camps and in Deir Balah and Khan Yunis… Fighters ready to fight until martyrdom were awaiting them. That's why they realized that entering will be costly. They will be afflicted with great losses. That's why they stopped on the doorstep. So their lingering there was not a result of political pressures from any place in the world or of public pressure. Indeed political and public pressures are auxiliary elements, but if the enemy leaders are sure that should they enter Palestinian towns, camps and villages that will be easy and but a ride they would have done that. Knowingly, the brigades fighting in Gaza were the Elite Brigades themselves which entered Southern Lebanon in Aggression 2006. What does that mean? That means that the Israeli Navy fell from the balance in Aggression 2006.

Today I also say that one of the most important strategic lessens drawn from Gaza War is that the Israeli land forces also failed to win a battle. They are even weaker than entering a true war. If this was their fear from besieged Gaza which is still besieged and from Gaza who is suffering and has suffered for year - if this is the extent of their fear - why are they threatening to invade Lebanon or southern Lebanon? Today on the anniversary of the leader martyrs I recall what I said before. They threaten us and we threaten them. We threaten them of what (Imad) had prepared for them from the love of (Abbass) and the will of (Ragheb). Yes, if any upcoming Israeli cabinet thinks at any time to dispatch its brigades or squads or army to our land and villages to invade or occupy them, they will be destroyed on the hands of the students of Imad Moghniyah, Abbass Mossawi and Ragheb Harb. That's why we don't feel frightened and I tell you not to be scared or worried. Netanyahu ruled for three years. He didn't do anything. At last he concurred with Barak over who will retreat first from Lebanon in 2000. This is Lebanon: a different battlefield. The Israelis don't have but their superiority in air force. We acknowledge that. But still they are worried.

Everyday we hear a story that the Resistance acquired anti-aircraft weapons and advanced anti-aircraft rockets. Indeed I don't affirm or deny that. They say that if the resistance owns air-defense force, that will change the balance of the war. True, there is no exaggeration in that. That's because there are the navy, the land force and the air force. As for the navy, it is settled. Should they step our waters, we'll be there for them. In the land, we have fierce lions and all-ready fighters. Only the air force remains. If the air force balance changed, the whole balance of the struggle will change. Why there is anxiety lest the Resistance acquires an air-defensive force? There is a difference. The resistance has the will and courage to use this weapon. That's why Israel fears it and threatens openly and sends messages via diplomats saying: if you possess such a weapon you will pay for that. If you shot down an Israeli plane in Lebanese airspace, you will pay for that.

How shameless! Israel has the right to fly freely in Lebanese skies and no one has the right to open his mouth. The Israeli air force surpasses factions and regions. But, you Lebanese, you Resistance in Lebanon as well as the government, if an Israeli airplane in Lebanese airspace was shot down, the price will be costly and the retaliation massive. Today we don't want to get engaged in another battle but I want to say the following. We have the right to possess whatever weapon to defend our nation and people. Do we own or not? This is another issue and we haven't fought our enemy on the basis of bullying and overbidding but rather by taking them by surprise. So what I want to stress today is that we have the right to own any weapon including air-defense force. We also have the right to use this weaponry if we want. Time has gone when we used to behave as if we were weak. Our nation was never weak. Our armies were never weak. Our Arab and Islamic peoples were never weak. They were rather deemed weak. What's weak is the political decision. When the political decision restores its strength, it will find Arab and Islamic peoples and armies who equal the decision in its strength. This is the truth. In Lebanon we will not tolerate any aggression on our nation and people.

Some in Lebanon say that the resistance in Lebanon did not protect women and children in April Aggression and July Aggression. The resistance in Gaza failed to protect women and children. When you talk about an army as strong as the Israeli army and about an air force, is there any army in the world that is able to protect women and children? There are victims in any war. This is a war and not a demonstration. What's important is that the resistance prevents the enemy from occupying, imposing conditions and achieving goals. This is the victory and there is no other way to achieve it. We will not tolerate Israel – the historical enemy of the nation. Before moving to the internal status to handle with some words I say: As for Hajj Imad, a year ago they killed Hajj Imad to get rid of him. But they were haunted by Imad Moghniyah. They were afraid of him this year more than in the past 25 years. Imad Moghniyah will pursue them everywhere and all day and night. The oath and pledge we made to Hajj Imad remain valid. Hajj Imad is part of our war with Israel. Here also I find myself not obliged to make any clarifications.

Frankly speaking, I like to comment on many of what have been written especially this month where we find in the same article many contradictions. On one side, they blame Hezbollah for not retaliating. At the same time they criticize Hezbollah that should the party retaliate that will lead to such and such. We are really baffled. You want us to retaliate or not. Anyway we are not waiting for you. I only tell you I am not concerned by clarifying what has happened through this year and what will happen in the coming stage. We are not concerned by denying or asserting anything. This is a battlefield. Let events take place in this field away from overbidding. Yet in the first anniversary of the martyrdom of leader Hajj Imad Moghniyah, I like to assert that we don't need to renew the vow and oath. We stick to our vow and oath. Imad will always scare them day and night. The promise will be achieved God willing. Pursuant to what I have said, today on the anniversary of the leader martyrs, I call the whole nation to embrace the choice of resistance.

I call on the Arab and Islamic governments – even if some of them make negotiations or believe in negotiations – to embrace the resistance because it's an element of strength for us all. It's wrong to hold the resistance in Lebanon or Palestine accountable pursuant to internal limited considerations when it is a national point of strength and a force to the nation. You must act accordingly. In this framework, we renew our support to all forms of dialogue and Palestinian-Palestinian reconciliation-making which has got started. We also welcome any Arab reconciliation and affiliation especially between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Syria. This is indeed a force for us all. I like to tackle for a while the Lebanese issue, but first I will conclude with the leader martyrs. Two days ago was an anniversary dear to all the Lebanese. The Lebanese have consensually agreed on February 14, 2005 on condemning the horrible assassination of premier martyr Rafik Hariri and all who was martyred in that event. All the Lebanese cooperated, showed solidarity and met together. It was a true national occasion then. I renew today the natural stance towards this anniversary and event. I renew our incessant wish that this anniversary be a united national occasion, but political divisions in Lebanon have imposed another statue quo unfortunately. We hope that we will be able in the future to be united by the blood of martyrs especially great martyrs so that we ascend to their high status. Indeed all have the right to honor their martyrs especially when these martyrs belong to their families, organizations, trends, parties and human groups besides being the martyrs of the nation. We see that as natural and even as an obligation. We must respect martyrs. This is a good culture because marking the anniversary of martyrs and showing respect to them promotes many national and religious concepts that our generations need all through history.

We respect the martyrs of the second party and the most obvious evidence is that when we start our talk on them, the first word we say is that they are martyrs. We refer to them as martyrs even if we differ with some of them in our political stance, position and speech. But even after their martyrdom, we overlook the previous differences - which were legitimate whether from our or their behalf - as a show of respect to their martyrdom. We also call on the other party to respect our martyrs. If some of them respect our martyrs, some don't. It's our obligation to respect their martyrs as it's their obligation to respect our martyrs pursuant to our intellectual, religious and moral values. From another perspective other than marking anniversaries, indeed we back overlooking the past troubles, sufferings, divisions and difficulties apart from making evaluations - for each of us has his evaluation. You believe I wronged you and you want to forgive me, you are free. I believe you wronged me and I want to forgive you, I am free. Everyone has his own evaluation of the events that took place in the past years. But there is a central point on which we must reflect on: overlooking the past and making use of the past lessons in the future and not to retaliate and avenge. Henceforth, we are not talking about an enemy but about Lebanese political trends or various Lebanese political groups which differ in their choices, viewpoints and stances. We are not talking about Israel which we don't tolerate and keep quiet on its transgressions. It's natural that we behave with such a sense of responsibility. That's why we were and are still calling for calmness.

I again call for calmness in political speeches and on the ground. The responsibility of the political leaderships in Lebanon is great. I remember that following every incident, the incident is evaluated in different ways. For example, after Mar Mikhail event, some said we must hold accountable those who pushed these men to hit the streets and not who opened fire. Some said we must hold accountable those who opened fire. (Even in such issues we differ in our evaluations). But there is a clear and granted fate: the masses answer their political leaderships. The latest experience proved that. When we agreed on calmness and the political atmosphere calmed down, there weren't anymore troubles in any place whereas before that there were daily incidents and fire opening… When the political speeches calmed down, the country became calm. What happened two days ago - whether the security incidents and violence - is denounced? When we address any topic, let's also address the reasons behind it. We pointed before to this point. In political speeches, it's not enough that for example I in Hezbollah make a calm speech and my colleagues make very harsh speeches. This will not do. If my speech was calm, well people hear my speeches occasionally. But my brothers might speak daily or every two days. This is a problem which we must address to avoid escalation. Thus we call for calmness and a calm political speech. Sure we are heading towards elections, but for elections we can present ideas, programs, suggestions, options.... Well now I could present the choice of a settlement and the choice of resistance without using even one word that harms anyone. Still I made my evaluations. So we can in handling whatever topic avoid resorting to provocations. We can also in confronting provocations practice control on ourselves. It's not enough to say that what took place is provocative from the other party. Is provocation to be met with what is even worse and more dangerous? Henceforth, it's our responsibility to say that the events that took place are denounced. Whoever commits a transgression and especially if that developed to killing with knives or bullets – whether in action or in counteraction - is condemned and denounced. In Lebanon we must all be able to express our viewpoints and stances and mark our occasions freely – indeed while respecting others. We mustn't insult others or provoke them. I would like above all to address the youth who nurture agitated emotions which might be used in a wrong way: Fear God and assume responsibility.

No one has the right to be driven by his emotions or wrath to express such emotions in a way that destroys the country and drags him to Hell. (How can anyone all alone and without pre-set conditions kill or wound someone even if a superficial wound not to mention wounds that might cause death?) The martyrdom of Citizen Lotfi Zeineddine is a painful incident for us all as was the martyrdom of all others in similar incidents. Whoever among the Lebanese is killed in such occasions is a loss for all of us. In the name of the leadership of Hezbollah, I offer my condolence to the family of Zeieddine,sayyed hassan speech the people of the village of Shbaniyeh, the people of Mount Liban and the Progressive Socialist Party. That's how we must all act in such dramatic incidents. I also have to condemn all the events that preceded and followed the incident. Every violence and counter violence and every wrong act and wrong reaction are denounced. I also have to praise all the efforts exerted within the past 48 hours by a number of political, military, security and political leaderships to calm down the country. That's because we are heading to an important stage. We must always resort in such incidents – as in previous hard and painful incidents – to the Lebanese judiciary and to the governmental institutions and military and security bodies.



Allow me to tackle another local topic which we'll handle later with more details, but it's a must that we touch on it now: the parliamentary elections which are due in a few months. I call for a massive participation in the parliamentary elections because they are important and influential on the political choices in the country. Indeed the upcoming parliamentary elections might have characteristics which we might accept or not. We don't have enough time to tackle this point now but to a certain point these elections are very important. All people are supposed to get ready to participate in these elections: prepare their IDs, make sure their names are enlisted in the electoral lists, cooperate with the electoral bodies and think fully before making their electoral choices. So no one is to deal with the upcoming elections as a marginal or transient incident. It is an important and influential issue. The other point is I hope we can all as political forces make calm speeches. We have dialogue, debates, and viewpoints and there are disparities in viewpoints and choices. But still we must not push towards provocation and confrontation.
Thirdly: on the doors of the parliamentary elections, I like to stress one point in which we believe. Well this is Lebanon and not Switzerland. So it's not Switzerland to furnish it with a Swiss defense strategy. It's not Switzerland as well when talking about the administration and the rule. That is valid when we have political parties only. But whether we liked it or not, Lebanon has a sectarian structure. Some parties surpass sects. Others are non-sectarian in their mentality but after all their members are from definite sects. When it comes to Lebanon we can't say: "Suppose that the Opposition – I will not say the Loyalists – took the majority in the parliament and had two or three more MPs and thus headed to form the government, while a large sect or two who won the majority in their sects but still did not win the parliamentary elections – because of the special division and electoral law. Well that doesn't mean the Opposition will rule the country and do what it wants. This is valid in a country were there are political parties but not sects and factions as in Lebanon. I would like to recall that one of the most important reasons for the flop of the Quartet alliance was because it ignored parties which represent the actual majority for example as in the Christian milieu and pursuant to the outcome of elections 2005. So we are in a country doomed to participation and harmony. Some say in the current cabinet, things are being crippled or are moving slowing. No problem. Quarrel in the cabinet instead of having people fighting in the streets. Let them conflict in the cabinet instead of people exchanging fire in the streets. I don't mean that if they did not reach an agreement, people will fight in the streets. This has been the formula of this country for a long time. We were born in this country and it was as such. That's why we insist that this country is doomed to participation and communication whether the Opposition or the Loyalists won. I'm not saying so because we in Hezbollah insist in sharing in the government! Even in the current government, for fear of being accused of being unhelpful or of crippling the government, we would have preferred that the minister from Hezbollah be represented by someone from another party in the Opposition. We have no problem. I'm not saying so because if the Loyalists won the elections our share in the government will be lost. No! Should the Opposition win and tell us: Rest aside and dedicate yourselves to the resistance and we'll rule the country. I would kiss their forehead. So the question is not that we as Hezbollah want to share in the government or not. It's the interest of the country. I'd like to say something. The time of duality - i.e. when two large sects used to rule the country at the expense of the other sects – has gone. I even say more: the time of tripartite – i.e. when three large sects used to rule and annul the other sects – has also gone. This is unacceptable. What is demanded is participation and harmony. As such we might move on slowly but at least we'd guard our country. With monopoly and annulations there'll be no country anymore to be ruled neither by us or them. In all cases, let not some believe that when we insist on participation and harmony that we are afraid that the Opposition rules alone should it win. Let me clarify that. There are financial and economic difficulties which any new government would meet. The debt is 45 or 50 billion dollars, I am not sure. But there is an international financial crisis. Even the countries which will help us needs help. There are many financial, economic and security difficulties in the region. Any government which wants to rule Lebanon in the coming stage will meet great and serious responsibilities. No one must scare the Lebanese as well as us saying if you gave the Opposition the majority we will not partake. There is no need for such bullying. I like to say: Should the opposition win the upcoming parliamentary elections, I suggest that the Opposition presents to the other party a national unity government with a blocking minority and insists on that. Now should the other party insist on not participating, I suggest that the Opposition forms a government and assumes the responsibility of ruling the country while giving a new model for ruling and administering Lebanon which achieves goals not on the basis of monopoly but rather on the basis or calling for harmony and participation. Even if the government was formed without harmony and participation, it must rule with a national mentality and not with the mentality of revenge and provocation of the other party. This is what we need though I stress that Lebanon in the coming stage and due to the economic, financial, political and security conditions in the world, region and the country needs more than ever a national unity government. However as for us, whatever the difficulties were, we are to be responsible in addressing national crises and not to turn our back to them. Never. Indeed I have to renew my call to the MPs who will meet in the coming few days in the general assembly of the Lebanese Parliament to fulfill their promises to the youths who are 18, 19 and 20 years old and give them the right to vote even if in the next elections.

Brothers and sisters.

From the souls of the martyrs and leader martyrs we inspire determination, steadfastness and resolution. From their minds we inspire the clear view and righteous school. From their struggle and blood we learn to sacrifice our souls and lives and to sacrifice our dear and loved ones. As such was Karbala – the model in which leaders get martyred side by side to fighters, women and children. With the blessings of your awareness, responsibility, presence, belief and sacrifices – especially the sacrifices of the martyrs' families in general and the families of the leader martyrs: Moghniyah, Harb and Mossawi – we will continue on this path and achieve our goals and aspirations. Finally, I address the leaders and masters and all those who love the martyrs in general and the leader martyrs in particular: Sayyed Abbass, Hajj Imad and Sheikh Ragheb and say:

O dear and loved ones! Be at peace in Heaven. Those who follow you will continue the path and achieve the goals. There they are. They never altered despite all the difficulties. The path you initiated and promoted with your blood will carry on leading the nation to one victory after the other as defeats have gone forever and it has become the time of victorious occasions.
May Allah reward you kindly and bless you. Peace be upon you and Allah's blessing and mercy.

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