In these seven months, the Barack Obama administration claimed that it would “not interfere” in Iraq’s internal political process. However, it tried to promote the creation of a pro-Western government coalition between Maliki and former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, a former “CIA asset.” The US Administration demanded that a quick agreement be worked out. “We have been under tremendous pressure by the Americans … in clearly asking President (Jalal) Talabani to step down,” a Kurdish official told Jane Araf of the Christian Science Monitor. Both Obama and Vice President Joe Biden personally called Talabani to demand the resignation in order to let Allawi become the new President, he said. However, the Kurdish parties showed no desire to accept that US demand.
However, the Iraqiyya bloc, led by Allawi, reached under pressure a coalition agreement with Maliki’s State of the Law bloc. Under the agreement, the job of Speaker of parliament went to Osama al-Nujaifi, a Sunni member of al-Iraqiya, who, along with his brother, controls the northern city of Mosul. The surprise came when the Iraqi lawmakers massively abandoned a parliamentary meeting where Maliki was going to be again appointed Prime Minister. Allawi then denounced the agreement and warned about more violence in Iraq.
Therefore, the new political equation in Iraq is that Maliki will remain in power - thanks to support by the Sadrist bloc. The Los Angeles Times called the agreement with the Sadrists “a stunning victory” for Maliki and “a strategic defeat for Washington, which had pressed for a prominent role for Maliki’s rival, and appeared to be caught flatfooted by the rapid developments.”
A HISTORY OF RESISTANCE
Sadr’s Madhi Army launched two rebellions in April and August 2004 against US occupation in Iraq. There were more clashes in the years 2007-2008. Muqatada was then described as “the most dangerous man in Iraq” by US media. However, for Iraqis and more particularly for Shiite Iraqis he was a hero; a man who dared to oppose to the hateful occupiers not only with words but also with acts. The new political agreement between Sadr and Maliki both provide fresh evidence that General David Petraeus's war against the Mahdi Army in 2007-2008 was a futile exercise.
Sadr had up until recently opposed a second term for Maliki. Backed by US forces, Maliki in 2008 launched an offensive against Sadr’s Mahdi Army in Baghdad’s Sadr City as well as in the southern city of Basra. Both sides then reached a deal and Sadr called his supporters to put down their arms, but he continued to denounce the US occupation and to call for the total withdrawal of US troops from Iraq.
In 2007, Sadr settled in the Iranian holy city of Qom where he started religious studies in order to strengthen his religious status among the Iraqi Shiites. In Iran, he established a network of important relations with political and religious leaders. According to several sources, Iran has helped Maliki and Sadr to overcome their past problems and political differences in order to reach the government agreement.
Sadr's political comeback was the result of careful planning. A year before the March elections, he and his top aides set up an election strategy committee they dubbed the "machine." The goal was to use the electoral system as best as they could. A team of experts built an extensive database of voters in every province and designed a bright electoral campaign.
Actually, it was not difficult. Sadr’s anti-occupation posture, his trend of religious nationalism and his image as the defender of the Shiite community made his party, the Free Movement party, become the only one that gained new seats in the election. The Free Movement won 39 of the 325 positions. In the election, the Iraqiyya bloc got the most seats, 91, while Maliki’s State of Law bloc won 89. However, both Allawi and Maliki fell far short of the overall 163 majority. However, the Shiite religious parties, including Maliki’s own party, Ad-Da’wa, had a clear majority.
WASHINGTON FEARS AN “IRAQI HEZBOLLAH”
Some US officials now fear the Sadrist movement can duplicate the success of Hezbollah, a resistance movement which has developed a strong armed organization as well as a network of advanced social programs. The language Sadr uses when discussing the US presence in Iraq -resistance and occupation- is similar to some of Hezbollah´s statements against Israeli occupation.
Patrick Cockburn, author of the book “Muqtada”, wrote that Sadr represented “the only grassroots movement in Iraq.” He explains in his work that that while US media and government “demonize and belittle” Sadr, he has developed a “solid strength stemming from the Shiite faith.” “Muqtada and his followers are intensely religious and see themselves as following in the tradition of martyrdom in opposition to the tyranny established when (Imams) Hussein and Abbas were killed by the Umayyads on the plains of Karbala fourteen hundred years ago,” said Cockburn.
According to Los Angeles Times, there is no doubt that the agreement with Maliki will give Sadrists increasing influence over Iraqi security forces, governors' offices and even its prisons. In recent months, Maliki's government has freed hundreds of members of the Mahdi Army and handed security positions to veteran commanders of the militia who fought against US forces. Senior Sadr supporters are being brought into the Interior Ministry at high-level positions, Mahdi Army members and Iraqi officers told the Times. The group has secured political gains also. The Sadr camp won the deputy speaker position in Parliament and is said to be vying for the post of deputy prime minister too.
US DECLINING INFLUENCE
Los Angeles Times added that Sadr movement's prominence will surely make it harder for the United States to keep its waning influence in Iraq. Washington is very worried about the increasing Sadr role in Iraqi politics and demanded Maliki to oust him from the ruling coalition.
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