Unreliable data can incite and escalate a conflict – the latest
UN-sponsored figure of 60,000 should not be reported as
fact
The body of an unknown man, killed by Syrian
army artillery shelling, in the Aleppo cementery. ‘It’s essential the media ask
questions about reported deaths.’ Photograph: Maysun/EPA
Less than two months after the UN announced “shocking” new casualty figures
in Syria, its high commissioner for human rights, Navi Pillay estimates that
deaths are “probably now approaching 70,000″. But two years into a Syrian
conflict marked by daily death tolls, the question arises as to whether these
kinds of statistics are helpful in any way? Have they helped save Syrian lives?
Have they shamed intransigent foes into seeking a political solution? Or might
they have they contributed to the escalation of the crisis by pointing fingers
and deepening divisions?
Casualty counts during
modern wars have become a highly politicised business. On one hand, they can
help alert the outside world to the scale of violence and suffering, and the
risks of conflict spreading both within a country’s borders and beyond them. On
the other, as in Syria,
Iraq,
Darfur,
the
Democratic
Republic of Congo and elsewhere, death tolls have routinely been
manipulated, inflated or downplayed – a tool for the advancement of political
interests.
As if to underline the
point, Libya’s new government recently announced that
death
tolls had been exaggerated during the 2011 Libyan civil war; that there had
been around 5,000 deaths on either side – a long way from the reported tens of
thousands of casualties that set the scene for Nato’s “humanitarian”
intervention, or the 30-50,000 deaths claimed by opponents of this
intervention.
While physically present in Iraq, the US and British governments were unable
to provide estimates of the numbers of deaths unleashed by their own invasion,
yet in Syria, the same governments frequently quote detailed figures, despite
lacking essential access.
Syria’s death toll leapt
from 45,000 to 60,000 earlier this year, a figure gathered by a UN-sponsored
project to integrate data from seven separate lists. The new
numbers
are routinely cited by politicians and media as fact, and used to call for
foreign intervention in the conflict.
But Rami Abdulrahman of the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), whose
casualty data are part of this count, calls the UN’s effort “political” and the
results “propaganda”.
Abdulrahman, whose daily death toll releases are widely quoted in the western
media, argues that many of the UN’s casualties don’t exist. “Yesterday in
Qahtaniyah, I had a video of 21 people killed, but 19 names only. Other groups
said 40 were killed – where are the 40? Tell them to provide me with only 21
names,” he demands, frustrated.
When I interviewed the UN spokesman Rupert Colville in January, he conceded:
“We can’t prove most of these people have died.”
And Megan Price, lead
author of the UN’s
casualty
analysis project, whose firm, Benetech, is part-funded by the US state
department, explained to me: “We were not
asked to do verification of
whether the casualties are real.” Benetech’s task was mainly a data collation
effort: working from seven separate UN-identified lists, the firm discarded
duplicates and victims without names, place and date of death to arrive at the
highly-publicised 60,000 number.
But questions about the accuracy of casualty numbers is only part of the
story. Dig deeper, and it’s clear that this data also offers an insight into the
Syrian conflict at odds with the story that this is essentially about a brutal
regime killing peaceful civilians.
With the proviso that the data may itself prove unreliable, Benetech’s
research nevertheless offers some useful clues about the makeup of the recorded
death toll. Only 7.5% are female, making the casualties in Syria overwhelmingly
male. Second, the largest segment of the 30% of victims whose ages are included
in the records are between the ages of 20 and 30 – who might be classified as
males of “military age”.
The SOHR’s statistics confirm this picture. On 27 December, Abdulrahman cited
148 violent deaths in Syria for that day: 49 rebels, 42 soldiers, three
defectors, and the remaining 54 likely to be a mix of noncombatant civilians and
unidentified rebels: “It isn’t easy to count rebels because nobody on the ground
says ‘this is a rebel’. Everybody hides it.”
According to Abdulrahman’s conservative estimates, at least two thirds of the
dead are armed men – an appreciatively different take on the perception of
“civilian slaughter” in Syria created by reporting of the UN’s and other
unverified casualty numbers. And the UN itself points out that “the analysis was
not able to differentiate clearly between combatants and noncombatants”.
Even the civilian death toll is nuanced. There are civilians targeted by the
regime through shelling and air strikes, civilians targeted by rebels via
mortars, IEDs and urban bombings, and civilians caught in crossfire (not
targeted). Further to that, there have been reports of sectarian and political
killings by supporters of both sides.
While bald casualty
numbers taken out of context have clearly failed to explain what now looks
closer to a
parity
in violence inside Syria, the UN is not wrong that body counts can be
valuable indicators in a crisis.
The problem is that,
increasingly, death tolls are used as political tools to scene-set for
western-backed
“humanitarian interventions” in the Middle East and north Africa and – more
broadly – against the kinds of negotiated political settlements that could
actually reduce or stop the killing.
It’s time to stop headlining unreliable and easily politicised casualty
counts, and use them only as one of several background measures of a conflict.
It’s essential too that the media help us avoid such manipulation by asking
questions about reported deaths: how were these deaths verified? Are they
combatants? Who killed them? How do we know this? Who benefits from these
deaths? Was this a violent death or one caused by displacement? How is it even
possible to count all these dead in the midst of raging conflict?
Numbers without context or solid foundations can incite and escalate a
conflict, leading to even more carnage. Contemporary casualty data have been
inaccurate in so many recent conflicts that it’s time to retire these numbers
from the telling of the story.
Sharmine Narwani is a
political analyst and commentator on Mideast geopolitics and a senior associate
at St Antony’s College, Oxford University. Follow her on Twitter @snarwani
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