Armenians in Lebanon (I): The Republic of Anjar
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Armenian and Lebanese flags are held during a protest against Turkish PM Erdogan's visit to Lebanon. (Photo: Al-Akhbar) |
The Bourj Hammoud district of Greater Beirut is the capital home to Lebanon’s Armenians, however their presence extends well beyond the city. Al-Akhbar looks at the different areas in Lebanon where Armenian communities settled as they fled from Turkish persecution a century ago.
Anjar has been the mystery of the Bekaa Valley since 1939, the year Armenians arrived there. The rest of the valley has not been able to solve this mystery whose legend was built by poor men and women forced out of the Iskenderun. Armenians have since passed this town down from father to son.
“The Republic of Anjar,” which enjoys boundless autonomy under the banner of one-party rule [The Armenian Revolutionary Federation or Tashnag] overcame the surprised and disapproving looks from residents in nearby areas from the moment the first Armenian stepped foot here.
The poor and forcibly displaced refugees succeeded in taming the fields drowning in polluted water and were able to quickly build their own city. The cornerstone was laid down by France, Lebanon’s “compassionate mother,” when it bought, through cajoling and intimidation, about 1540 hectares of Anjar’s agricultural land.
In a short time, the Armenians of Anjar were able to transform the land that had been “discarded” into a commercial, agricultural, and industrial destination.
Mayor Sarkis Pamboukian says Anjar is 100 percent Armenian and adds laughing, it is “24-karat Armenian gold.”
From a Refugee Camp to a City
Anjar began as an Armenian camp established in mid 1939 over swampland. It ended up a city with 1062 houses and 1250 families by mid 1941. It has 7,000 registered citizens today. About 3,000 reside in Anjar on a permanent basis while the number goes up to 4,000 in the summer.
Pamboukian explains that Armenian migration from Anjar happened over two stages. The first was in 1946 when a limited number – about 400 families – left to Soviet Armenia for good. “But the larger migration happened at the beginning of the Lebanese war in 1975,” Pamboukian says, pointing out that Armenians who leave Anjar today come back to “visit all the time,” emphasizing that good relations with neighboring areas has brought about social stability.
“That is why we don’t feel anything here threatening our existence. On the contrary, over the course of seven decades, we have become an essential part of the fabric of this area,” Pamboukian says adding, “An Armenian Anjar is a source of strength for the Bekaa. We don’t feel we’re strangers or that we don’t belong on this land.”
A Headquarters of the Syrian Security Leadership
The Syrian presence in Lebanon played a role in establishing and protecting social stability for the Armenians of Anjar. From 1982 until 2005, the city became a major base for the Syrian security, military, and intelligence leadership.
An Armenian man active in politics and not a Tashnag member confirms that “the Syrian presence helped protect us from repercussions of the Lebanese Civil War.” He says, “We did not ever feel that we are left to an uncertain future here even though we had major political differences with our neighbors.”
He points to the legal dispute between Dar al-Fatwa (the country's top Sunni institution) and the Armenians of Anjar over the ownership of agricultural lands on the outskirts of the town. He says this dispute “took on a sectarian character earlier but cooperation between the two sides prevented a fifth column from interfering in this dispute and today it is being addressed within a legal framework.”
He stresses that the relationship between the Armenians of his city and the people of Majdal Anjar, a neighboring town, is “very good even though there are political differences between them.”
Member of the Tashnag party committee in Anjar, Harutyun Atanas Lakasian, says that their relationship with the town of Majdal Anjar and the rest of the area is “very good. We respect each other and we exchange visits,” he says, pointing out that the Tashnag party “works to keep the relationship with neighboring areas good.”
He believes that the formerly cold relationship between Anjar and neighboring towns was “a normal outcome of the political differences that exist among them, specifically after 2005.”
He explains that the Tashnag’s decision to join an electoral alliance against the Future Movement led to “cold relations with our neighbors but we were able to change this cold relationship to a close one.”
Lakasian stresses that the Tashnag party in Anjar “does not discriminate between the various political parties in the area even though there are political differences at times.”
There Might Be Some Hardships
In 2005, political differences emerged between Anjar and neighboring towns as the city was thought to be part of the March 8 alliance, turning it into a politically isolated island within a popular sea that supports March 14. Anjar paid a price for this isolation and accusation until it managed to overcome this “adversity.”
Pamboukian says the alliance between the Tashnag and March 8 “did not prevent Anjar from building solid ties with neighboring areas whose residents support March 14.” He explains: “We are neither allies nor enemies with anyone. There are political interests and we don’t deny that relationships were strained.”
Pamboukian says that his city has suffered from economic stagnation during the past period because “the neighboring areas boycotted us as a result of edicts by clergymen.” But he affirmed that the relationship today is “very good and we are witnessing economic, commercial, and touristic growth.”
“Chant Represents Himself”
Anjar is self-sufficient and is governed by an independent political and administrative rule, creating a sense of security for a people who succeeded in limiting how much others mingle with them. They have also dealt patiently with the outcome of their political disagreement with their neighbors.
Lakasian says that MP Shant Janjanian “represents himself” and that he does not visit the whole community in Anjar but “visits a few people here” confirming that “Anjar is all Tashnag, 99.5 percent.” He adds, “but Shant is not Tashnag, he belongs to the Lebanese Forces. See how democratic Anjar is?”
MP Janjanian, who does not have the Tashnag stamp of approval, sees himself as a Lebanese Armenian representing the residents of Central Bekaa without exception.
He tells Al-Akhbar: “My relationship with the Armenians of Anjar and the area predates my election to the parliament. I used to have an educational role in one of the schools in Anjar. Membership in the parliament cemented this relationship because of my practical and serious participation in the activities and meetings whether official, religious, or social that have to do with the Armenian community and with other Lebanese communities.”
Janjanian stresses that his relationship with Armenians in the region and specifically in Anjar is “characterized by honesty and transparency, especially after they realized that I don’t make bombastic promises that cannot be fulfilled.”
He is confident that his support among Armenians is “growing gradually because I adopt a policy of realism.”
Janjanian refuses to describe his relationship with the Tashnag as one of “defiance.” He sees the issue as a question of freedom. Freedom to run for office and freedom of expression based on the principle of public freedoms in democratic systems.
He says there are other Armenian political parties and clubs beside the Tashnag, like the Ramgavar and the Hanshak (Janjanian’s father and siblings are members of the Hanshak Party), and they have the right to engage in politics based on their own political views by running for office and voting just like the Tashnag.
Janjanian, who is trying to bring Armenians closer to the residents of Central Bekaa, does not hide the fact that mufti Khalil al-Mais asked for his help in solving the issue of the land disputed between the Muslim Waqf and the Armenians of Anjar.
Janjanian believes that unlike the rumors that have been propagated, this task is an indication that people in neighboring areas want to consolidate the strong relationship with Anjar. It also reflects the significance and role of the Armenian community in the Bekaa.
The Armenians of Zahle
Anjar’s total independence from its surroundings, its transformation into a republic inside the republic, and its stability did not reflect on Armenians in the city of Zahle where al-Midan neighborhood is their major stronghold.
Out of 1000 Armenians registered in Zahle’s official records, only 400 are left. An Armenian activist in the city says that the percentage of Armenians migrating from Zahle is very high compared to Anjar or those who were once in Chtoura (Jalala neighborhood) and left permanently.
He explains that Anjar’s stability in terms of security during the civil war contributed to creating social stability, something that Armenians in Zahle, who left Lebanon for good, lacked.
He says that efforts to reconnect Armenians who left Zahle with their city are “going on around the clock.” He points out that the political loyalty of the Armenians of Zahle is primarily to the Tashnag party. Only a very limited number is committed to the Hanshak and the Ramgavar parties or to political and economic interests with local MPs.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Armenians in Lebanon (II): United by the Sea
Published Monday, April 23, 2012
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Armenians gather in Martyr square in Beirut, to protest the visit of Turkish PM Erdogan to Lebanon. (Photo: Al-Akhbar) |
The Armenian community in Jbeil are well organized and vote in unison. However, they do not consider themselves as separate from the rest of the local community.
In Jbeil, meters away from the sand beach lies the orphanage and school. Across from it is the Armenian club which includes the political party Tashnag (The Armenian Revolutionary Federation), the Armenian Relief Cross Organization, and the Tashnag youth and children’s organizations, as well as other branches of the party.
The real Armenian presence is inside the city. It is true that the Tashnag influence in Jbeil is relatively low compared to in other areas. But Armenians came to Jbeil in 1915, participated in its “industries,” and worked in commerce and trade.
The vast majority of Armenians in different Lebanese areas, including Jbeil, support Tashnag, in addition to their party members, according to the head of the Armenian club in Jbeil, Claude Arijian.
Ethnic and religious connections are enough to mobilize supporters, that is why “we are more united than other groups,” but “that does not mean we live in a separate block in the Jbeil area.”
Arijian adds, “About 1350 Armenians are registered to vote in Jbeil, a large number of them immigrated over the last few years, as have other Lebanese citizens, but immigration is more conspicuous among Armenians because we are few in number.”
Where do Tashnag supporters stand today in Jbeil within the current political alignments?
“Now they are definitely with the parliamentary majority,” says Arijian. He pointed out that the party in Jbeil is part of the Tashnag central committee, but at the same time it maintains a degree of autonomy on matters related to the Jbeil area.
Between Bourj Hammoud and Jbeil
On the distinctions between the Armenians of Jbeil versus their counterparts in Bourj Hammoud, Arijian explains, “The Armenians of Bourj Hammoud live in an almost closed off block. There, the shop-owner, the baker, the butcher, and the businessmen are all Armenian. In Jbeil, however, there is coexistence making the Armenian community part of a mix. They share the concerns of all the people of Jbeil and their daily problems, from electricity to water and so on...”
In the not so distant past, about 10 years ago, Tashnag was part of a gathering of Jbeil’s political parties that met regularly and communicated with each other for the sake of Jbeil. Today, the gathering no longer holds meetings.
Tashnag members in Jbeil say, “We don’t have a problem with anyone, we did not stop communicating with other parties. We invite them every year to the annual event that we organize in Jbeil on the anniversary of the Armenian genocide. It is common in Lebanon to say that Armenians are with the government or with the president. We say it is true that we are allied with the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) and with Hezbollah, but our alliances have never prevented us from being open to all other political forces.”
300 Votes
April 24 – Genocide Memorial Day – is the most important anniversary for Jbeil’s Armenians. They organize an annual event on that date in which most of Jbeil’s political forces and organizations participate. Last year’s celebration had a special flavor because it was on the eve of the municipal elections.
As soon as the celebration ended, the Armenians of Jbeil through their party leadership, conveyed their decision to support candidate Jean Louis Kordahi against the president of the municipality at that time, Ziad Hawat, while both candidates attended the event.
About 300 Armenian votes form one “bloc” that is able to change the outcome of the municipal elections. Tashnag’s electoral machine is known for its organizational capacity.
Supporters of Tashnag stress that they “come to the club because they believe that the party’s positions express their views and fulfill their interests as a group.”
“All sides and candidates know how Tashnag works in elections,” says Arijian, adding, “we make a commitment, both verbal and in terms of taking a position. Our supporters adhere to this commitment. No one needs to test us.”
Today, Jbeil’s Armenians feel that they are represented on the municipal level “even though we did not give Hawat our vote. But we are part of Jbeil’s social fabric and he deals with us on that basis. Our relationship with him is a typical relationship between Jbeil residents and their municipality.”
They stress, however, that “this relationship is only at the municipal level and does not cross over to the political level. On the political level, our relationship with Jbeil’s MPs remains very good.”
As far as Jbeil politics are concerned, after Hawat’s list won completely without including an Armenian candidate, the goal of Armenians in Jbeil is to return an Armenian to the municipal council so he can convey their concerns and problems to the municipality.
They believe that Jbeil is “beautiful no matter what, because its residents work for it and the city is for all its people.”
Their relationship with the Maronite Patriarch Bishara Rai is good because he was the bishop of the Maronite diocese of Jbeil. They took part in his beatification ceremony and they, like the rest of the people of Jbeil, consider him as one of them.
The Armenians of Jbeil do not believe in the cult of personality when it comes to political leadership. The ideology of Tashnag is based on a purpose and a vision, not on a person. “We don’t follow a leader, but an ideology and a goal. Since its inception, Tashnag has never had just one leader. It was established by three people in 1890.”
In their opinion, the 120 years that have passed since the establishment of the party taught Lebanon’s Armenians and Jbeil’s Armenians a great deal. Even though their party is ideological, it is not sectarian. Although the language is a barrier for others wanting to join, Kurdish, Bulgarian, and citizens from other countries have joined its ranks.
Jbeil’s Armenians commemorate the anniversary of the Armenian genocide, both and Armenian and Lebanese independence days, as well as special Armenian holidays.
What about their language? Do they speak Armenian or Arabic with a Jbeili accent?
“A little of both,” they say, concluding, “we are at peace with ourselves before we make peace with others.”
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Armenians in Lebanon (III): Part of the Fabric of Keserwan
Posted: Tue, 24 Apr 2012 15:36:30 +0000
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A girl hold a placard during the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide in Lebanon, 24 April 2012. (Photo: Haitham Moussawi) |
On the 97th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, the descendants of the survivors that fled to Lebanon are integrated community members who embrace their Armenian roots.
Lebanon’s Armenians first arrived in the country either overland via Syria or by sea. When they came, many lived in encampments and abandoned houses before settling and establishing themselves as an integral part of Lebanon’s social fabric.
In Keserwan, there were three phases of Armenian immigration.
Small numbers of Armenians, estimated at about 300 families, moved to the area from villages in Turkey in the 18th and 19th centuries, seeking religious freedom and fleeing persecution because of their Catholic faith. The Bzommar Monastery, founded in 1749 became the focal point of their communal presence, and facilitated their acceptance and integration within the local community.
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Uprooted Palestinian 
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